In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the U.S. Senate Republican staff was well-resourced. Many of them were already pursuing careers in electoral politics. None of them achieved as much success as Mitch McConnell. McConnell not only made it to the Senate, he became a master of the Senate, not just a rival to Lyndon Johnson. (Another of those staffers was George Will, who became a national force not by doing politics but by writing politics — or did he do politics by writing politics? )
On a personal note, I know that our acquaintance has been quite friendly since Mr. McConnell worked for the late Sen. Marlow Cook (R-Ky.), one of the so-called Wednesday Group of Republican senators. I've always thought that. Those years. Our policy differences have not diminished my respect for Mr. McConnell's extraordinary political accomplishments. Our encounters were few and far between, but a highlight was spending time together at Richard Nixon's funeral, witnessing the emotional appearances of Robert Dole and Henry Kissinger, and the calm praise of Bill Clinton. That's when I saw the voice.
McConnell has never asked me for advice, and I've never given it to him. His historic tenure as Senate Republican leader has had a strong impact on many areas of American life, both minority and majority. He has shaped history by building and sustaining political coalitions, setting goals and achieving many of them. Mr. McConnell can be proud of his enduring respect for Republicans and his (albeit grudging) professional respect for his political opponents.
But some suspect that deep down Mr. McConnell knows sadness about one aspect of his job: his role in facilitating Donald Trump's return to the presidency.
His condemnation of President Trump's role in the Jan. 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol was harsh and appropriate. He leaves no doubt that he believes Mr. Trump's character is deeply flawed and that his actions on that occasion were indefensible. Therefore, it was a painful twist for him to claim moral responsibility for threatening the constitutional order while avoiding an impeachment vote and eliminating the possibility of further Trump campaigning.
McConnell had said the justice system would hold the disgraced former president accountable, but to no avail. Indictments, criminal prosecutions, civil suits and courts have taken action, but nothing has come close to matching President Trump's misdeeds.
So one can only imagine that Mitch McConnell has deeply mixed feelings about returning to office a man he knows is unfit to lead the country. His respect for Trump supporters does little to erase the clarity of his personally informed judgment about the man currently in control of the American government.
He may find comfort in telling himself that he was not the one who brought Trump back to power. Another 73 million Americans are responsible for that. But Mr. McConnell is not insightful enough to admit that his failure to take a firm stand against Mr. Trump in 2021 left the door open to a dangerous outcome in 2024. He is a wealthy person.
All that remains for Mr. McConnell is an opportunity for at least partial redemption. His reputation as an institutionalist devoted to the traditions and privileges of the Senate was tarnished by his management of Trump's impeachment. But he promised no further damage to the filibuster, which is meant to protect minority rights and the power of the Senate.
The most pressing issue now is whether the Senate will firmly exercise its right to advise and consent regarding executive nominations. Again, the tendency to accommodate the president's preferences is strong and reinforced by McConnell's desire to continue to make arrangements with his fellow senators.
But the idea that the Senate could simply flip in the face of the president's brash exercise of his appointment power is based on a basic instinct to protect the Senate's important power to independently evaluate the qualifications of nominees. Contrary to. Mr. McConnell and his colleagues face an untenable situation as President Trump shows blatant indifference to the Senate's input and demands broad discretion to make recess appointments without timely Senate confirmation.
Will they protect and preserve a clear constitutional feature, or will they sacrifice it to the whims of the most authoritarian figure ever to hold office?The late Justice Antonin Scalia strongly warned It opposes transforming “the power of recess appointments from a carefully designed tool to meet narrow, specific needs into a weapon to be wielded by future presidents against future Senates.”
For McConnell, the choice between organization and agitator should be easy. Despite no longer leading the party and nearing the end of his presumed active career, he holds a unique position among Senate Republicans. He will be reluctant to complicate the challenges that his successor, Sen. John Thune (R.S.D.), will face in dealing with the Trump-elect.
But already, disappointment with some of Mr. Trump's personnel proposals is clear not only among Democrats but also among Republican senators. Enough Republicans have signaled they may oppose the nomination of former Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.) as attorney general, ending that questionable outlook.
Other battles over some of the impending cabinet nominations are also certain. The Senate has often found the will and courage to refuse to speak out in favor of presidents seeking high office. Dwight Eisenhower's recess appointment of Secretary of Commerce Louis Strauss The Senate refused to confirm him.. Repealed due to Republican opposition Anthony Lake named CIA director. Even one of the Senate's own Armed Services Committee chairs, John Tower, Rejected as Secretary of Defense.
Over the centuries, dozens of Supreme Court nominees have failed to gain Senate consent. Perhaps most recently, the Senate rejected both of Richard Nixon's initial nominations to the Supreme Court. (McConnell will remember John Sherman Cooper, whom he interned with. voted against the confirmation of Clement Hainsworth to the court and Marlowe Cook vs. Joseph Carswell. )
So the pattern is solid. Senate procedures establish vigorous vetting and, in some cases, rejection of presidential candidates. Many candidates withdrew without facing a formal rejection. Maintaining the integrity of that process is a particularly important duty for Mitch McConnell. He was fully capable of mobilizing enough senators to resist an unqualified candidate recommended by a cunning executive. Best of all, he could lead resistance to dubious demands for unvetted recess appointments that President Trump so eagerly desires.
Mr. McConnell's contribution to Mr. Trump's resurgence is seriously damaging to his extraordinary career. The full use of the Senate's advice and consent powers would be a major step toward individual relief.
Alton Frey was a staff director for Sen. Edward Brooke (R-Mass.) and a longtime colleague of Senate Republican Leader Howard Baker (Tennessee).
