Upcoming Presidential Election in Romania

After picking up her 10-year-old son from school in a struggling area of Bucharest, Gorgheta Petre knows who she plans to vote for on Sunday. “I hope he’ll change things,” she expressed. “I hope he improves our situation. Everyone else just lies. Look around; we can’t keep living like this. I can barely afford food or clothes for my kids. I’m casting my vote for George Simion. He’s not like them.”

In stark contrast, at a corporate office nearby, 31-year-old lawyer Cosmin Ispass shared his thoughts. “I get why people are frustrated. They want change. But they don’t seem to realize that what Simion is offering is just an illusion. It’s all talk about sovereignty and tradition. Nikshurdan may not be perfect, but he’s serious and has a sense of responsibility. For me, choosing between him and the far-right is really not that hard.”

Days ahead of a crucial presidential election rerun, Romanian voters find themselves deeply divided. Political scientist Christian Pillbresque warns that “for the first time in recent history, Romania is in real danger.”

Simion, known for his impulsive and straightforward style, gained nearly twice the support in the first round compared to Dan, the independent mayor of Bucharest. However, the gap has narrowed recently. Dan has been performing well in debates, and his socially conservative stance resonates with many.

If Simion wins, it might lead Romania toward a far-right government, raising concerns about potential instability. His initial campaign was marred by accusations of Russian interference and other irregularities. Interestingly, although Simion initially surged ahead, he was barred from participating in the reruns after a controversial vote last November.

Ferentari, a district often viewed as the city’s poorest, is home to about 80,000 residents, many of whom are part of the Romani community. Here, poverty and unemployment are rampant. Some residents have even made illegal electrical connections to get by, while many live without basic sewage access.

Petre, surviving on about 500 LEI (roughly £83) in disability aid, plus 250 LEI for each of her three young kids, finds hope in Simion, who has transitioned from a soccer ultra to a populist figure.

Sitting on a bench, 69-year-old Stefan Elban reminisced about the times under the former communist regime led by Nicolae Ceausescu. “Life was better then,” he recalled. “We were a wealthy country, with industries booming and no debts.”

His friend, Nicolae Karja, added a more somber note: “Now, we’re drowning in debt and have sold off everything to foreigners. It won’t be easy for Simion; he’s got a tough battle ahead.”

Doina Radhu expressed optimism, thinking Simion would bring “more jobs, better services, and higher pensions.” She believes that if he makes Georgek his prime minister, it would lead to improvements. “It would be a great team,” she said.

As for Simion himself, his rhetoric has shifted since the first round, now supporting NATO and presenting himself as an “EU realist.” Nevertheless, he’s still an outspoken admirer of Trump, has compared the EU to the Soviet Union, and criticizes foreign interference in Romania’s affairs.

Simion’s controversial views extend to more radical claims. He has made aggressive statements against competitors, even threatening violence. His economic stance includes nationalizing utilities and unpredictability that raises eyebrows among economists.

Despite these issues, many of Romania’s marginalized communities view him as a beacon of hope. Nicu Dumitru, from the NGO Roma for Democracy, said, “They feel pushed into his arms, as they’ve lost trust in the system.” In the first round, nearly half of the Romani community voted for him.

Looking back in history, some see parallels between today’s political climate and the rise of far-right factions in the past, suggesting that present-day frustrations with mainstream politicians have led to Simion’s rise. Notably, Romania’s family incomes are about a third of the EU average, putting nearly 40% of the population at risk of poverty.

Pillbresque noted, “Romania isn’t completely poor, but it isn’t rich either.” Since joining the EU in 2007, the country has seen economic gains, yet nationalist sentiments still persist strongly.

After the war, Ceausescu promoted “national communism,” celebrating Romanian heritage. A recent election campaign featured a super-nationalist who denied the Holocaust, highlighting the troubling history of extremist views resurfacing.

Sociologist and activist Gel Diminica pointed out the ongoing democratic deficits in Romania, saying, “Democracy has been a distant hope for us.” Meanwhile, voters supporting Dan, the independent candidate, seem acutely aware of how crucial the upcoming vote is for the country’s trajectory.

In a nearby business park, IT worker Lalca voiced her thoughts: “It’s clear. This could determine our future for the next couple of decades.” She believes Dan’s pro-European stance and his clean reputation make him the preferable choice. “He’s genuinely worked hard for Bucharest, fixing things that others neglected,” she remarked.

IONUT BABAN, a 33-year-old IT manager, echoed this view. “Dan may not be a crowd-pleaser, but he prioritizes logical, evidence-based decisions,” he said, contrasting him with Simion’s more provocative style.

Although many anticipate Simion’s victory, civil rights activist Elena Karistol warned that his presidency could lead to significant consequences for Romania’s relationship with the EU and the future of vital policies. “The president’s role extends to foreign policy and shaping EU discussions over the next seven years. It’s crucial,” she observed.

She expressed concern about the potential for a far-right minority government that could emerge if Simion’s party gains enough support. “That would be a recipe for disaster,” she concluded.