South Korean President Yoon Seok-yeol declared Martial law will be declared on December 3rd for the first time in 44 years. The incident was shocking, but Yun's ruling People's Power Party (PPP) initially responded by refusing to impeach the president. Instead, conservative lawmakers prioritized party loyalty over accountability and passed an impeachment resolution. We're screwed A quorum will be achieved on December 7th.
The scene echoed attempt He plans to impeach Donald Trump in 2019 for abuse of power and in 2021 for incitement of insurrection. Republican lawmakers were secretly horrified by President Trump's actions, but ultimatelyfeared The consequences of rebelling against their party. Recent signs of democratization backtracking made the scholars do it question Will the institutional separation of powers continue to function today in an increasingly polarized world where MPs prioritize loyalty to their party over their constituents?
But the past month in South Korea has provided a unique glimpse into how ordinary citizens can take back political power. After the first impeachment attempt against Yun We're screwedthe public was furious. newspaper published Profile photos and contact information for PPP MPs who boycotted voting during protests badger In phone calls and letters, he denounced the party's moral bankruptcy.
Students posted statements online and at the university. beg PPP members need to choose their conscience over their party. Citizen groups erected chrysanthemum rows wreath This symbolizes the “death'' of the PPP's legitimacy outside of party members' local offices.
Unable to withstand the relentless public pressure, all PPP members along with several other members attended the second impeachment vote on December 14th. turning against Yun. Most recently, on December 27, less than two weeks after Yoon was stripped of his powers, 192 lawmakers passed a resolution to impeach Prime Minister Han Deok-soo.
What caused such sustained mass resistance in South Korea?
Mr. Yoon's attempted coup d'état clearly struck a nerve with the people. When he declared martial law, his approval evaluation It has already fallen to less than 20%, the lowest rate during his tenure. many Saw His move was the final straw for an already disaffected population.
Even before December, a coalition of civil society groups had grown; gathered He regularly called for impeachment on the streets of Seoul. Others pointed to South Korea's strong history of mass mobilization. successful campaign Former President Park Geun-hye was ousted in 2016.
On the other hand, the recent collective action against Yoon certainly did not occur in isolation, nor was it an aberration in South Korea's long history of social movements. But few Western media outlets highlight how a deeper history of national trauma during the democratic era continues to provoke public anger.
For many, the image is of armed groups disrupting parliament or special forces moving through dark streets. echoing past tragedies: The 1980 Gwangju Uprising, the Jeju April 3 Massacre, and countless other brutal episodes of state-led repression over the past century. South Korea's history is stained with the blood of students, workers, and ordinary citizens. Dare Demand fundamental rights and democratic governance. Decades after the formal transition to democracy, these scars remain vivid in monuments, commemorations, films, literature, music, and other cultural works.
When Yun deployed his soldiers, claimed Although the country was under threat from “anti-national forces,” its language and sights were hauntingly nostalgic. In a cruel echo of history, Yoon's martial law and the defeat of the first impeachment resolution coincided with the anniversary of Chun Doo-hwan's proclamation of martial law in 1979.
Citizens filled the streets and social media with reminders of past atrocities, highlighting how historical injustices continue to reverberate today. union of 802 sociologists “Yun Seok-yeol's declaration of martial law serves as a stark reminder of the historical scars of repression, violence, repression, and fear that many people endured under past military dictatorships.'' He emphasized the seriousness of the current situation.
Even those born after authoritarian rule, experienced Films such as “Taxi Driver'' and “12.12: The Day'' convey the brutality of Chun Doo-hwan's military crackdown in Gwangju. South Korean youth understand that democracy is not a gift, but a fragile inheritance of hard-won freedoms. 1 student group “This country's democracy was built on countless lives,” he said.
Referring to the historical flashpoints of Busan, Masan, and Gwangju, the students said: [of] Martial law was imposed, and the country's painful unresolved tragedies came to the fore once again. ” Another group of students voiced sound A sense of disbelief and alarm: “Is this the 1980s?” Will this happen in 2024? ”
Collective trauma acts as a powerful emotional backdrop, turning a single incident into a moral crossroads that threatens not only the social order but also generations of political progress. Koreans today are not just protesting government ordinances. Rather, they are responding to an impassioned rallying call to protect the soul of the nation and reaffirm a collective identity forged through past suffering and unyielding resistance. In South Korea, the people, not politicians, are holding the president accountable.
Sharon Yun I am an associate professor of Korean studies. Keogh School of International Affairs at the University of Notre Dame, and Lee Se Hwan and paul lee They are graduate students in sociology at the University of Notre Dame.
