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I served time in prison so future presidential advisers can avoid it.

I served time in prison so future presidential advisers can avoid it.

“I went to prison so you don’t need to do that” is more than just the name of my latest book. It’s also the reason I’m continuing to challenge my conviction, especially after spending four months in a federal prison in Miami.

If I lose this pivotal case, which is likely to reach the Supreme Court, future presidential advisors could find themselves in the same difficult position I was in: either uphold constitutional responsibilities or compromise their principles under political pressure.

In this latest update, my legal team is set to counter the unusual actions taken by the Department of Justice in the DC Circuit, who have appointed a friend of the court to support their stance rather than engage in meaningful dialogue. This follows their indictment of me and their subsequent defense of that conviction during the appeal process.

The only justification from the Department of Justice appears to be, “in this case we decided that we were not taking the same position as our previous administration.” To put it bluntly: they’ve chosen to change course without explaining it to the court or the public.

This shouldn’t be overlooked. Federal appeal processes stipulate that any change in position must be substantiated. If a government agency decides to alter its course, it owes both the court and the public an explanation, particularly after three years of contentious legal battles.

The Supreme Court has long been clear about the role of prosecutors: they should be pursuing justice, not just putting people behind bars. The Department of Justice is meant to act as a neutral protector of public interest.

This isn’t the first time I’ve faced abrupt shifts from this department. The decision to indict me disregarded decades of legal guidance from both Republican and Democratic administrations. A senior advisor, acting on the president’s behalf, has even acknowledged that he shouldn’t face charges for not complying with a Congressional subpoena.

This indicates bipartisan support for immunity to protect the integrity of presidential decision-making. However, the recent actions from the Justice Department threaten to disturb this understanding of separation if not adequately justified, leading current and former White House advisors to wonder whether they could also face legal repercussions.

The implications of this case are not just legal but also ethical. The Department of Justice had me imprisoned while my appeal was still underway, citing concerns over the legal principles at play—principles that have been recognized for decades.

Now, this same DOJ is attempting to erase my time in prison and sidestep important discussions. They wouldn’t pivot like this unless they recognized there are serious constitutional questions at stake. In simpler terms, I should never have been ordered to serve time before my appeal was resolved.

The case of US v. Peter Navarro is groundbreaking and raises important legal questions, particularly about whether senior White House advisors can face criminal charges for following the president’s instructions regarding congressional subpoenas.

Let’s remove political bias here; that’s the crux of the issue. It harkens back to George Washington’s concept of executive privilege, a principle that continues to shape presidencies today. If advisors can face imprisonment for upholding their privilege, candid advice could be replaced by fear and legal caution. This isn’t the vision intended by the framers of the Constitution, nor does it align with the Department of Justice’s established policies over the past 50 years.

The DOJ chose this battle, overturning years of legal precedent in its pursuit. I’ve argued that my case didn’t present major issues that warranted my continued imprisonment, but now they seem ready to walk back their position without an explanation.

Why switch gears? What about the pressing legal questions? These are queries the defense, the court, and any amicus curiae must address.

The DC Circuit should reject the DOJ’s request to dismiss this case without just cause. The department needs to provide a detailed record. Next, we ought to discuss the matter of separation in a transparent manner, away from the shadows of unexplained government decisions.

I went to prison so that future presidential advisors wouldn’t have to. That’s why I’m fighting back.

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