Exploring Identity and Antisemitism in Brooklyn

Living in Crown Heights, Brooklyn as a Jewish person, I blend in without drawing much attention. I don’t wear traditional symbols like a kippah, nor do I observe Shabbat. On a typical Saturday, walking along Eastern Parkway, I’m just another face in the crowd.

For many of my neighbors, however, this isn’t the case. Their distinct attire, such as hats, coats, and tzitzit, makes their Jewish identity immediately recognizable. While these markers of faith can serve as expressions of pride, they also leave them vulnerable in a city that is often celebrated for its welcoming environment for Jewish communities.

Mayor Zohran Mamdani asserts that he aims to protect these residents. On September 29, he unveiled New York City’s inaugural Strategy to Combat Antisemitism. Some elements of the strategy merit acknowledgment, such as the allocation of $1 million for security at houses of worship that are at risk, as well as an increase in “hate-prevention” grants to $6.4 million. This plan also expands educational visits for eighth graders to the Museum of Jewish Heritage—a much-needed resource for synagogues strapped for funds to pay for security measures like guards and cameras.

Yet, a significant oversight in this 33-page strategy is its failure to tackle the rising anti-Semitism that often substitutes the term “Jew” with “Zionist.” It highlights major instances of anti-Semitic violence, like the tragedies in Charlottesville, Pittsburgh, and Poway, none of which took place in New York City. Although the report notes a spike in anti-Jewish crime after October 7, 2023, it doesn’t delve into how anti-Zionist sentiment may have contributed to this rise.

The Anti-Defamation League reports a dramatic increase in anti-Semitic incidents tied to Israel or Zionism, jumping from 5% in 2022 to 37% in 2023 and further up to 58% in 2024. Still, Mamdani’s plan neglects to connect the dots between anti-Zionist rhetoric and the physical attacks suffered by Jewish individuals in the city.

Moreover, the city stops short of adopting a definition of anti-Semitism. While it claims it can combat hatred without specifying what that hatred entails, the report does touch on various definitions but ultimately leaves the issue hanging. This ambiguity is convenient, especially when some of the most vitriolic language comes from activists who align with the mayor’s political base.

In Crown Heights, we’ve witnessed this toxic environment firsthand. Last year, a group called Crown Heights Bites Back handed out groceries near Eastern Parkway while distributing flyers warning against “Zionist white supremacists,” claiming they would “kill us, exploit us, raise our rents and evict us.” During a vigil for Gavin Cato, whose tragic death preceded the Crown Heights riots, masked members from this group even confronted a Jewish man. They have also praised the killings of two staff members from the Israeli embassy.

This kind of rhetoric isn’t confined to my neighborhood. Nerdeen Kiswani of Within Our Lifetime asserted that “Zionist landlords” were exploiting Black communities to finance settlements in Palestine. In a related incident, Brooklyn Democrat district leader Carmella Charrington compared a local property dispute to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, despite the fact that this issue stemmed from a family inheritance matter—something that the state attorney general confirmed. In Chelsea, anti-public housing flyers attacked the notion of a “Zionist occupation,” mixing in harmful stereotypes against “Talmudists” and “Rothschilds.” Reports have documented both of these trends.

This housing dispute narrative is especially cruel, given that Hasidic families are also grappling with rising living expenses. Borough Park and South Williamsburg are flagged in the borough president’s housing analysis as among the neighborhoods most burdened by rent. Some younger Hasidic families have moved to Brownsville, as Crown Heights has simply become too expensive for them. Yes, some Hasidic developers have made considerable profits in the Brooklyn real estate market, but so have many others.

Interestingly, frustration is often directed toward visible Jewish individuals rather than developers. The ADL noted that Orthodox Jews were the victims of 36 of the city’s 69 anti-Semitic assaults in 2024, despite making up approximately a fifth of New York City’s Jewish population. Although Mamdani’s own report acknowledges that visibly Jewish individuals are disproportionately targeted, it fails to address how local rhetoric can escalate a mere housing issue into broad accusations against Jews as a whole.

The strategy mentions that anti-Semitism often flourishes in an environment of conspiracy theories blaming Jews for various societal problems. Given this, how should the city categorize claims that “Zionists” are the cause of a family’s rent troubles?

The political complexities here are evident. City Hall unveiled the plan with backing from progressive Jewish organizations like Jews for Racial and Economic Justice, Bend the Arc, and J Street. Unfortunately, the rhetoric equating rent issues with Zionism stems from factions within the same political landscape. Addressing these statements would require Mamdani to critique both friends and foes.

He has enforced consequences when necessary. For example, in December, he accepted the resignation of an incoming staff member over past comments about “money-hungry Jews.” City Hall condemned offensive flyers as they appeared. But when questioned about Charrington, who rose through progressive ranks, Mamdani dodged the issue three times. His office did eventually denounce her conspiratorial language, but his reluctance to confront her leadership position was telling.

Eric Dinowitz, a city council member and ally, commended the educational initiatives outlined in the plan but argued it missed a crucial opportunity to connect anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism. He’s right—it’s a significant oversight that undermines what could otherwise be a comprehensive approach.

New York City already tracks hate crimes; it also needs to scrutinize the narratives that underpin these offenses, particularly those suggesting a link between Jewish identity and Israel, or blaming Jews for inflated housing costs. Grant funds should be allocated to areas like Crown Heights, Williamsburg, and Borough Park, where visibly Jewish residents have faced numerous assaults.

I think it’s high time for Mamdani to visit Crown Heights and stand firmly against these beliefs: blaming Hasidic Jews for your rent troubles is, in fact, anti-Semitism. If he can’t acknowledge that straightforward truth, then no amount of strategic planning will bridge the chasm between his promises and the realities that my neighbors face daily.