Last week, the Norwegian government presented a new long-term defense plan that, if adopted, would double The country’s defense budget will reach that size in just over a decade.
Norway’s plan was announced shortly after the country announced in March that: Plans to spend 2% of GDP on defense in 2024achieved NATO benchmarks two years earlier than expected.
The latest proposals call for spending to increase further, reaching 2.7% by 2030. Much of that money will go toward purchasing systems from U.S. companies, including Lockheed Martin’s F-35 Joint Strike Fighter and Boeing’s P-8 maritime patrol aircraft. .
The latest information from Oslo illustrates the continuing generally good news regarding NATO’s defense spending.
This year, two-thirds of NATO members, or 21 out of 32 countries, became members. expected to spend At least 2 percent of GDP will be spent on defense. Almost all member states already meet NATO’s second criterion of spending 20 percent of their defense budget on acquiring new equipment.
As NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg I noticed recently2023 will be the ninth consecutive year that NATO member countries (excluding the United States) have increased their overall defense spending.
Even Germany, long the poster child for underinvestment, is now cutting back on spending. 2% of GDP is defense spending.
A more widely known story of the alliance’s successes would go a long way toward dispelling the stereotype that NATO allies do not take action against Russian aggression.
To fully understand this turnaround, consider that a decade ago we left the alliance in a precarious situation of declining defense investment.
In 2014, Russian President Vladimir Putin launched his first invasion of Ukraine. 3 NATO member countries (Greece, UK, US) spent 2% of GDP on defense. He could only say seven companies met his second criterion for putting 20% of that money into new equipment.
At the time, few allies were willing to step up in terms of allocating national resources to building hard power, even though these standards had first been agreed eight years earlier.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and annexation of Crimea began to change the calculations of some allies, but not enough. In terms of capacity and currency exchange, most countries remained in the doldrums, while others began to implement increases, but at a snail’s pace.
The shock of Russia launching a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and the barbaric actions of the Russian military have so far dispelled the fog of wishful thinking and domestic political calculations that had previously restrained defense investment. .
This is especially true for member states that border Russia. They channeled the shivers that Putin imperialism sent down the spines of entire populations into concrete action to push for NATO talks on spending above 2%.
All member states that share land borders with Russia have announced plans or have already introduced defense budgets well in excess of 2% of GDP. poland takes the lead At 4 percent.
That’s certainly not to say there isn’t work left to do. Redeploying the European Armed Forces’ exhausted personnel and rebuilding its capabilities and reserves will take time. Additionally, a small number of allies, especially those that feel the Russian threat is far away, have not yet fulfilled their spending commitments. This needs to change.
Look no further than our neighbors to the north. Canada, which spends only 1.4% of GDP on defense, announced plans to increase defense spending. Early this week,but, Just reach it The opposition Conservative Party harshly criticized the government’s plan, saying it was inadequate. Given that they may take over next year, it seems likely that Ottawa will get 2% again.
When it comes to defense spending, there is a sense that NATO members have perhaps permanently crossed the Rubicon. Although the bridge has not exploded yet (there is still a possibility of withdrawal), I believe that Putin’s willingness will keep the allies on the new shore.
The turnaround in defense investment is an ongoing NATO success story. Here in the United States, it deserves to be told.
Daniel Kocsis is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute’s Europe and Eurasia Center.
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