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Today, America’s biggest foe is itself.

Today, America’s greatest enemy is itself 

Reflections on America’s Changing Role

There’s an old saying: if you wait long enough by the river, you might see your enemy’s body float by. It captures a sense of patience and timing that, perhaps, resonates with China. They don’t need a direct confrontation; instead, they can simply wait while we undermine our own systems.

For a long time, the United States established a world order rooted in stability, alliances, and open markets. We were the architects of these rules, making ourselves essential players. Yet, this influence isn’t guaranteed. Trust and confidence were what held everything together, and we’re now witnessing that trust erode—not through warfare, but thanks to the leaders we’ve selected.

In our recent history, no event has been as strategically beneficial to our adversaries as the election of a populist president. Choosing leaders who question our alliances and provoke internal conflict might have handed our rivals a roadmap for America’s decline.

Donald Trump’s foreign policy has always been about transactions. During his first term, he frequently threatened to withdraw from NATO unless allies increased their spending. He treated fundamental principles, like collective self-defense, as bargaining chips. Those threats didn’t vanish after 2020; they resurfaced in his second term, risking the very alliances meant to deter authoritarianism.

Under Trump, America withdrew from the Paris climate agreement, exited the Iran nuclear deal, cut funding to the United Nations, and left the World Health Organization during a global health crisis. We can debate the effectiveness of these institutions, but our participation was never just about outcomes. It demonstrated that America valued and intended to lead the system we created.

These withdrawals carry significant implications. The UN and WHO are crucial for diplomacy and coordinated action, while the World Trade Organization’s dispute resolution is hindered by our refusal to appoint judges. Such actions may seem procedural, but they reflect a deeper issue; systems can decline from neglect just as much as from direct attack.

China, despite its contradictions, knows how to advance its interests without resorting to force. They’re strategic and have a long-term vision.

While we get caught up in who offended whom on social media, China is negotiating infrastructure and resource deals, quietly extending its influence. Meanwhile, we’re slowly allowing a world that favors their interests to form around us.

It’s not that we’re losing because of China’s smart moves; it’s more about how we’ve forgotten the very principles that made us strong—trust in our institutions, unity during tough times, and leadership that looks beyond immediate reactions. America’s true strength has always stemmed from being an example, not merely a force. Others wanted to partner with us because we represented something meaningful. This was key to solidifying the postwar order and giving liberal democracy its allure.

The primary threat to American power lies within our borders. Populism manifests in various forms, but its core strategy is consistent: it breeds distrust of experts, mocks allies, and insists the system is rigged. It’s an insidious force masquerading as patriotism.

Strategically, our adversaries have found ways to undermine us without direct attack. Our intelligence agencies have confirmed that foreign actors aimed to neutralize the United States through election interference and misinformation.

What if their objective wasn’t to conquer us outright, but rather to assist us in our own self-destruction? In many respects, they succeeded. By driving wedges between us, they’ve distracted us from the broader picture, leading to decisions that have set us back significantly.

There’s still an opportunity to pivot, but time is running out. The world order we’ve constructed doesn’t need to be flawless; it just needs to be effectively managed. This requires us to engage and make the tough decisions leadership demands.

We’ve invested a century in creating a world that generally serves our interests. True, it has its imperfections, but it belongs to us. If it goes away, there’s no guarantee it will return.

If America were to collapse, it would likely be due to our internal struggles rather than being vanquished by another nation.

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