What do you do?
There’s an interesting connection among leaders like the Hindu nationalist prime minister of India, Narendra Modi, and figures like the former KGB dictator, Vladimir Putin, and Xi Jinping of China. It seems they share enough common ground these days to convene at the recent Shanghai Cooperation Organization Summit. The atmosphere there was all about smiling for the cameras, promoting local “cooperation,” and envisioning a new world order that doesn’t revolve around the usual Western powers like Washington and Brussels.
Each of these leaders—Xi, Putin, and Modi—feels that their nations have been marginalized by the West, which tends to view itself as the default for civilization.
When we observe Modi, Putin, and Xi appear together, it might come off as diplomatic absurdity to some in the West. But, honestly, that perspective feels a bit outdated, trapped in the optimistic view of the 1990s. The reality is more complex. These leaders represent ancient civilizations that refuse to be subjugated to a Western narrative they believe is past its prime.
Reclaiming ancient identity
Take China, for instance. Long before it became known as the world’s factory, it was regarded as the “Middle Kingdom.” It thrived under a centralized empire for thousands of years, containing diverse cultures and narratives. The current Chinese Communist Party isn’t merely ruling; it’s reviving a sense of historical grandeur, aiming to heal from what they call a “century of humiliation.” Xi Jinping’s vision for a “Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation” clearly seeks to return to past imperial glories instead of advocating for democracy.
Similarly, Russia has its own imperial heritage. Through various flags—from the double-headed eagle of the czars to the hammer and sickle of the Soviets—the project remains a civilizational one that spans vast territories. For Putin, this isn’t about pushing ideologies abroad but reclaiming lost pride and redefining boundaries without the humiliation inflicted by NATO’s expansion.
As for India, often misrepresented merely as the world’s largest democracy, it’s on a journey to rediscover its cultural roots. While it hasn’t maintained a single empire historically, under Modi, it’s asserting itself with a blended narrative of spirituality and Hindu identity. There’s a conscious effort to shed its colonial past and establish a position as an equal, not a subordinate in a Western-dominated order.
Yet, these countries aren’t naturally inclined to ally. India and China, for example, have clashed over Himalayan borders, while Russia cautiously observes their dynamics in Central Asia. But despite these tensions, they find common ground in their shared resistance to Western hegemony.
Uniform war against the West
The SCO Summit was less about addressing their disputes and more about presenting a unified narrative. The prevailing belief in Washington and Brussels posits a fixed set of rules for the “Liberal West,” expecting everyone else to play along.
Meanwhile, many in the East recognize that Western Europe has faltered—not due to war, but from its own misguided economic policies. Energy costs have surged, industries are relocating, and military capabilities, once strong in countries like Germany and the UK, are waning. Their foreign policies are now more about rhetoric than real power, having outsourced energy dependence to Russia and relied on America for deterrence.
In contrast, countries like China, India, and Russia continue to consume coal, produce steel, and mobilize military forces.
The concept of “deglobalization” isn’t accurate. The economic center of gravity is merely shifting.
If trade routes are blocked in one area, they’ll likely emerge in another, regardless of sanctions. As one observer noted:
The Western world has aimed to cripple the Russian economy by cutting off access to key currencies like the US dollar. Consequently, Russia has pivoted to trading in currencies such as the renminbi and Indian rupees, resulting in increased commerce with emerging markets.
China’s trade surplus continues to rise as new markets open up. For comparison, in 2017, the value of China’s exports to ASEAN was a staggering 60% of what it exports to the US, illustrating a significant shift.
A multipolar world
The American perspective often frames international relations in terms of democracy versus dictatorship, order versus chaos, and good versus evil. But history, in its complexity, doesn’t adhere to such binaries. It values power, memory, geography, and national pride.
This understanding brings together these unlikely partnerships. They may not necessarily like each other, but they agree on one fundamental issue: the current world order doesn’t cater to their civilizations.
Although America could potentially swing back to an “America first” stance, it seems clear that the rest of the world isn’t waiting for that. Unipolar globalization appears to have lost its grip on reality. The East’s voice is growing louder, representing more than half of the world’s population and nearly 40% of global GDP. Thus, the next leadership era can’t simply reaffirm American dominance.
America’s first crime
The SCO Summit signified more than just a photo opportunity; it acted as a signal. The old rule-based order lacks binding power now. The future is not merely monopolar; it’s becoming multipolar, constructed on different terms.
This isn’t a call for ease but a plea for engagement with these age-old civilizations through a lens of strategic humility.
America must recognize its position—while it remains strong, it doesn’t hold all the cards. Leaders like Trump need to view the global landscape realistically. The era of old empires is returning, and these leaders are now collaborating on their own terms.
