When it comes to identity politics, let’s be honest—Republicans maneuver through it like pros, while Democrats often seem to be stumbling. It’s pretty clear that Republicans, particularly former President Trump, have effectively created divides among various demographics.
This is especially true regarding race. The country continues to grapple with racial issues, and it’s evident that certain groups are facing systematic discrimination. However, there’s been an interesting shift I’ve noticed over the past decade or so while opposing the Democrats. Two phrases—”person of color” and “white privilege”—have become common in our discussions.
As a first-generation Indian American, I’ve experienced my fair share of racial abuse over the last 40 years. Physical attacks, verbal slurs, incidents at work and school—the list goes on. I’ve been targeted walking down the street, often faced with all sorts of derogatory comments due to my mixed racial appearance.
I don’t seek sympathy; rather, I want you to consider two key points. Firstly, the racial abuse I’ve faced pales in comparison to the daily experiences of Black Americans. Secondly, despite my own struggles, as a middle-class Indian American, I’ve had some advantages that, frankly, white individuals in economically depressed areas like Appalachia may not have had.
When you see Democrats reducing this incredibly diverse nation to two racial groups—“people of color,” or “BIPOC” (Black, Indigenous, and People of Color), and white people—you can almost see the pitfalls unfolding. There’s a noticeable trend of non-Black “people of color” shifting towards the Republican Party.
For example, data suggests that 34% of Asian voters align with Republicans, and there’s been a decline in support for Democrats among Indian Americans. Similarly, Trump’s share of the Latino vote increased from 28% in 2016 to 36% in 2020, reaching 42% in 2024. That’s the highest level of Latino support for any Republican candidate in recent history.
On the flip side, Democrats have witnessed a significant portion of their traditional voting base—working-class white individuals—drifting toward Trump. A staggering 66% of white Americans without college degrees voted for him. It’s quite a shift from the FDR era, isn’t it?
Now, if I were to argue that these two terms are solely responsible for all this, I’d be misleading you. But there’s clearly been a notable decrease in support for Democrats among these groups. Sure, white privilege exists, but it’s not a one-size-fits-all situation. When I attended college in Ohio in the late 1990s and early 2000s, the differences between affluent white people and their less fortunate counterparts were stark. Trust me, many of them would be the first to point this out.
Driving through struggling white communities, it’s hard not to see why they feel overlooked. The American dream seems a distant fantasy for so many, which oddly makes the ascent of people like Vice President JD Vance all the more notable.
Consider the new wave of Indian Americans arriving today. Many of them already possess advanced degrees, while others aim to earn them once they settle here as skilled workers. When these immigrants witness the treatment of Black Americans, it makes them wonder if they want to be associated with that experience. Do you think they will come to this country and label themselves as “alienated”?
We often mention “white adjacency” in reference to Asian, African, and Latino voters who lean towards Trump. But in truth, many of these voters are simply trying to understand the harsh realities faced by Black Americans and prefer not to be grouped with them. They might also notice the struggles within white communities and realize that, for them, America might still offer better prospects than for those who’ve been here for generations.
Yet, Democratic rhetoric often simplifies the issue to a narrative where it’s either every white person is in a good position or the rest of us are relegated to a marginalized status. This overlooks many missed opportunities.
Trump’s detrimental economic policies have only worsened the divides that Democrats should be focusing on through identity politics. There are two Americas and two economies, with stark divides between the “haves” and the “have-nots.” And right now, most Americans find themselves in the “have-nots” category.
With rising prices and stagnant wages, anyone outside the top 1% of income earners is feeling the pinch. Young people struggle to buy homes, medical costs keep climbing, and tariffs are crippling small businesses and farmers. Attacks on immigrants are affecting local economies. It’s a tough reality for the majority of Americans, and it doesn’t seem to be getting any better.
This is where Democrats should shift their focus—emphasizing class over race. Many individuals within the top 1% view themselves as disconnected from marginalized groups, and even some privileged individuals are staring down potential economic disasters as a result of Trump’s policies.
By honing in on class disparities, Democrats could connect with many Trump supporters who, ironically, stand to lose more under Trump’s leadership. In fact, plenty of those who expected to be harmed by Trump may have actually benefited. This single reframe could dismantle the identity politics game that has unfortunately favored the Democrats.
