A newly revealed CIA document suggests the Iranian government could endure a blockade for around three to four months. It’s crucial not to provide them a lifeline through any agreements that help maintain their power. Now’s the moment to act decisively.
The international community must not let terrorist states manipulate and disrupt key oil and trade routes while threatening the global economy. Currently, the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and their allies are trying to do just that—attacking shipping lanes, oil facilities, and civilian areas, urging a response from the civilized world. An “agreement” that allows the Revolutionary Guards to control Iran’s oil profits is not a valid agreement at all.
A significant victory for the Revolutionary Guards in the Strait of Hormuz would have dire consequences, not just for the U.S. but for global power dynamics. Allowing Iran to take charge of the strait would seriously diminish U.S. deterrence and influence, establishing the Revolutionary Guards as the main power in the area and suggesting that the U.S. can’t be relied upon. This could even prompt the Chinese Communist Party to invade Taiwan.
In light of this, targeting their financial resources is essential. The IRGC’s military operations depend on oil revenue. Every tanker, bridge, and port needs to be rendered nonfunctional. We should seize tankers and incapacitate, board, or even sink Iran’s Shadow and Ghost Fleets. Similar to the approach with Venezuelan oil shipments, the U.S. and its allies should intercept all vessels transporting oil for the regime—no exceptions. Routes used for transporting weapons, drones, and cash into and out of Russia also need to be shut down. Targeted strikes on major railroads, highways, and transit points in northern Iran would disrupt a key revenue stream. An attack on a Caspian Sea port is also necessary, as these northern export zones are crucial for the regime’s illicit trade; they must not be operational.
As I previously mentioned, “Implementing the Anaconda Plan to entirely liberate Iran.” While air operations and focused strikes have been effective, they are insufficient. The strategy of economically crippling Iran must be enacted fully against this terror-associated empire. The IRGC’s primary limitation is its income; if that’s disrupted, the government will crumble. If we leave it intact, they’ll just rebuild, rearm, and attack even more aggressively than before.
There will be short-term pain. Oil prices will increase and the market may experience instability. But the alternative—allowing nuclear-capable terrorist states to continue threatening and imposing their will on the Strait of Hormuz and the Middle East’s energy supply—is far worse. If we fail to engage the Revolutionary Guards now, the repercussions will last indefinitely. Energy costs will skyrocket, proxies will feel emboldened, and U.S. deterrence will be openly mocked—from Tehran to Beijing.
Iran often ships oil to Iraq, mixes it with its own, then sells it on the market. This financial shell game must end. We need to clamp down on third-party buyers and intermediaries helping Tehran navigate sanctions. Funds need to be traced, accounts frozen, and those supporting terrorism exposed.
Kharg Island remains the regime’s weak point, responsible for about 90 percent of Iran’s oil exports. Targeting it with electromagnetic pulse (EMP) weapons or destroying its facilities would tighten the economic grip to a breaking point. This is the Anaconda Plan in practice—not an endless occupation, but a persistent economic suffocation until the regime can no longer survive.
In addition, we must create disorder within the regime. The U.S. and allied special operations forces should empower freedom-loving Iranians by providing arms, training, and secure communications. Many Iranians already despise the mullahs. Prior economic instability had led to wide-scale protests before the latest conflicts flared. Now is the moment to channel that frustration into organized resistance. The same economic pressures that forced Iranians into the streets can now aid them in building barricades.
We should target the regime’s communication centers to cripple their propaganda efforts both domestically and internationally. Aligning with Iran’s neighboring countries, which are eager for retribution after the Revolutionary Guards have attacked civilians and oil infrastructure, is crucial. In unconventional warfare, we must tackle irregularities head-on. The U.S. has extensive experience in this area—let’s utilize it.
As needed, special forces should conduct raids to neutralize Iran’s nuclear sites and stockpiles of enriched uranium. Similar to the impressive strike on Germany’s heavy water program, these remaining facilities may need to be dismantled to ensure that the regime can no longer pose a nuclear threat to the world—or at least neutralized from afar, whether using conventional or unconventional means. There’s a range of options.
Authoritarian governments are inherently fragile. Without oil revenue, the Revolutionary Guards would find themselves bankrupt and isolated, reduced to a mere shadow unable to fund their militias and allies. We can’t afford more half-hearted responses. While economic pressure does take time to manifest, it will significantly shorten the regime’s lifespan. Right now, they might think they can outlast the U.S. and its allies.
There are moments when tolerating evil within terrorist states is incompatible with a free society. This is one. President Trump and his supporters have already made bold strides with Operation Epic Fury. Our efforts should extend beyond destroying missile silos and ships; we must dismantle the Revolutionary Guards. It’s time to cut their revenues, free the Iranian public, and ensure that this terror state can never again threaten civilization.
Granting the Revolutionary Guards a strategic win over oil fields and trade routes would be disastrous. An agreement isn’t truly an agreement. We must strike decisively. A future of freedom demands nothing less.
