It’s time for Congress to commit to better US-EU relations 

This year’s US presidential election could bring about a deep freeze at the highest political levels in the US and the EU. If Donald Trump returns to the White House, his views on the European Union will beenemy”, cooperation between the US and EU executive branches is likely to become even more difficult.

Against a backdrop of numerous global challenges that require effective cooperation between the United States and the European Union, the Legislature must be ready to pick up the slack.

Dialogue will help resolve many of the most important issues, including the need to regulate large-scale, established technologies. platform and emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence; Addressing the challenges of climate change and China through measures such as industrial policy and carbon pricing. and plan ukrainian reconstruction. Each of these areas is characterized by existing or potential differences in approach, but by ensuring that officials involved in drafting legislation are regularly discussing them. , can bridge the transatlantic gap and ensure that misunderstandings do not exacerbate the problem or stall it. .

However, the United States and the European Union, despite claiming to be partners of first resort, currently do not have anything close to an effective legislative dialogue.

There is no direct link between the EU and the Senate, and much of the legislation that most directly affects transatlantic relations, such as anti-inflation laws, is enacted in the Senate. Several channels exist between the EU and the US House of Representatives, but they are largely dysfunctional. The most prominent forum for coordination, Atlantic Rim Parliamentary Dialogue (TLD) brings together EU Members of Parliament (MEPs) and members of the US House of Representatives every six months. But these regular meetings have produced little more than a series of perfunctory joint statements.

Meanwhile, the US Congressional Caucus on the European Union has so far failed to achieve its stated policy goals. parliamentary organization: To pursue common legislative objectives with other members.

Despite being established nearly two decades ago, the EU Presidium has not been able to gain enough traction to bring about real change in the relationship between the United States and the EU. Its impact is usually limited to a “restart”. reception At the start of every new parliament, passionate supporters of the already transatlantic relationship gather on Capitol Hill. However, its track record of promoting concrete legislative momentum leaves much to be desired.

The biggest reason these forums are ineffective is the lack of serious buy-in from members of the U.S. Congress.

Prior to the TLD session, EU participants will hold regular preparatory meetings. European Parliament vs. United States Delegation — A formal organization with fixed membership. In contrast, the only fixed participants on the US side, the co-chairs and ranking members, select the remaining participants on an ad hoc basis immediately before each particular TLD session. This lack of continuity and preparation time prevents the U.S. side from coming to the table on actual substantive joint legislative priorities.

TLD has also failed to establish deep personal relationships between US and EU legislators that would facilitate greater legislative cooperation. One reason for this is the temporary participation of the United States, but another reason is the opportunity for dialogue.

TLD conferences in Europe are held in many different cities (usually the capital of the country holding the rotating EU Presidency), but the United States always hosts half of the conferences in Washington. Because TLD sessions are held while Congress is in session, U.S. participants are inevitably distracted and often have to leave their seats for other meetings or votes. Changing the location of U.S.-sponsored meetings would allow members of Congress to engage more substantively with their EU counterparts both in and around the TLD session, while also allowing parts of the U.S. beyond the Beltway to engage with their EU counterparts more substantively. will be able to introduce it to parliamentarians.

However, simply changing the situation may not be enough. Parliament needs to fundamentally restructure how it interacts with the European Parliament through a restructured TLD.

One key change would be to include both halves of Congress, as senators have longer terms and more opportunities to build relationships. Parliament should also take inspiration from the European Parliament-US Relations Delegation, which has a formal staff, objectives for each interaction, and enthusiastic buy-in from both halves of Parliament, even if it cannot be fully replicated. Activating the errant EU caucus could help the US side of the TLD gain “a more formal and permanent status.” Probably aiming However, it has not yet taken shape.

A first step could be to merge the TLD co-chair and ranking member positions with the EU caucus co-chair positions, thereby establishing clear parliamentary leadership in managing U.S.-EU relations. do not have. That way, the EU caucus could serve as a preparatory body for the joint session, giving it a sense of purpose beyond holding regular receptions and providing a substantive agenda for the US side to present when meeting with EU MPs. There is a possibility that it will be possible to secure the Participants in TLD sessions are drawn not only from senators but also from members of the EU caucus, creating greater continuity that will help develop focus and momentum on the U.S. side and build relationships with EU participants. It will produce.

A more ambitious step would be to restructure the TLD along the lines of the NATO Parliament, one of the most powerful existing mechanisms for transatlantic legislative exchange.

Established in 1955 and institutionally separate from NATO itself, this interparliamentary dialogue fosters understanding of common security challenges and has become an important link between NATO and member country parliaments. There is. Unlike the TLD, it is particularly effective at fostering personal relationships between various members of Congress from NATO allies, and its activities often lead to real legislative influence.

We also differ from TLDs in that we have dedicated staff and dedicated funding. The strong support of the US Congress for NATO is, in part, evidence that NATO’s convening power is working. By formally institutionalizing TLDs in this way, we can finally make a real difference in advancing joint U.S. and EU legislative priorities, including trade, technology, and climate policy. There is a possibility that it will happen.

The United States and the European Union can only address their joint challenges through greater dialogue. Major rifts in recent years, including disagreements over U.S. anti-inflation laws, divergent legislative approaches to tackling climate change and divergent views on AI legislation, show how a lack of communication is exacerbating transatlantic tensions. clearly indicates. A smoother functioning U.S.-EU relationship is essential to addressing future challenges such as technology regulation and rebuilding Ukraine.

Contact at the highest levels of the executive branch is critical, but it is not enough, especially given the possibility that a major leadership change in the United States is on the horizon. The U.S. Congress must take its legislative relationship with the European Union seriously and do more to ensure that the transatlantic relationship reaches its full potential and moves it away from the reef ahead.

Nicholas Rocker is a fellow in the Transatlantic Security Program at the Center for a New American Security. He previously worked in both the European Parliament in Brussels and the US Congress Liaison Office in Washington DC.

Jason C. Moyer is a fellow at the Transatlantic Leadership Network.