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Democrats' crisis: Regulations are choking their support 

Important things New York Times Operation Last week, Democrat Stephen Ratner argued that former President Joe Biden alienated the entire business community during his term and firmly pushed him into Donald Trump's arms.

Certainly, despite their strong concerns about President Trump's tariffs and immigrant deportation, most business leaders are supported by his tax cuts and especially the deregulation he offers.

Among other concerns, business leaders were most excited by the strong surge in new economic regulations brought about by Biden. Sometimes, regulations even curtailed the performance of his own agenda. Biden's praiseworthy federal investment in computer chips, infrastructure and green energy, for example, was delayed and costly due to various “American purchase” clauses and labor standards.

But even without them, they could have been probably hampered by various existing ones Regulations and practices that make building federal governments of all kinds extremely difficult. For example, after hundreds of billions of dollars have been invested, 58 electric vehicle charging stations It was completed before his term ended, which led to Democrats pointing out these achievements and denying their ability to assert their credibility in the 2024 election.

However, regulatory barriers for construction at the state and local levels are even more severe and could be more harmful to the Democrats' election fate. It is well known that it is stable The population is far from its large blue statetowards red states such as California, New York and Illinois, such as Texas and Florida. why? Very high costs of housing — bulging significantly with strict zoning and environmental regulations and high taxes — are driving away the population as people vote on their feet.

Millennials and ZZs are becoming increasingly depressed about their ability to own homes in these areas and achieve a solid middle class lifestyle. And the population flow will politically hurt Democrats as they lose their seats in the House and the advantages of Republicans at the College of Election.

Of course, not all regulations are bad. Wise regulations allow Americans to enjoy safety in food and transportation, in the workplace, and in clean air, breathing and drinking water. The ongoing climate change march suggests that carbon needs more restrictions here and abroad.

At the same time, there are increasingly more and more economically sensible ways to regulate. For example, increasing the market price of carbon is a more efficient way to combat climate change. However, given the political unpopularity of the latter, politicians find it easier to rely on the former, with little consideration of economic costs.

The Biden administration's adoption of new regulations, despite costs, required that the majority of new cars sold in the US be made electricity within the next decade, but was an impressive example of how Cabrier they were about imposing new costs on consumers. It could hurt them in states like Michigan where cars are built.

And the economic costs of regulations rise over time, simply adding new regulations needed in addition to the older ones that become more obsolete. The benefits of regulation are widespread among consumers and workers, but the cumulative costs of business (and indirectly by workers) are increasing. Although analysis of the new regulations may meet cost-benefit tests, Cumulative effect Much rarely considered.

So, if we want young people to gain hope in their future, and if we want Democrats to have more hope in the future, we need to stand up to over-expanding regulations. New regulations should at least coincide with the elimination of old and outdated ones, but they need to streamline what contributes significantly to high construction costs.

Democrats must once again provide the majority of voters with the promise of a better economic future.

Harry J. Holzer is a professor of John Laphage SJ Public Policy at Georgetown University and a Brookings Economics Fellow. He is a former chief economist at the U.S. Department of Labor.

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