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American innovation is fading — and Congress is to blame

The United States used to be the world leader in manufacturing, making over 25% of global industrial output. Nowadays, China has taken the lead, now producing more than 30%, while the US struggles to hold onto even half of its previous share.

Several reasons have contributed to this decline. Long-term offshoring, the downfall of the industrial workforce, and a focus on short-term gains over sustainable strength are key factors. To reclaim its position in industry and ensure economic autonomy, America will require more than just catchy slogans or infrastructure initiatives.

Innovation isn’t merely a cost. It’s, well, an investment—the cornerstone of national security, the livelihood of American workers, and the future of US leadership.

The current research and development tax credits certainly need to be updated and broadened.

Recently, an analysis highlighted the loss of industrial capacity. But that capacity starts with innovation. Every new factory, process, and product is rooted in research. This remains our most significant untapped asset.

Yet, Congress has penalized firms for investing in R&D. Since 2022, legislation has required companies to spread R&D expenses over five years instead of allowing immediate deductions. This shift has stifled innovation, particularly for small and medium-sized manufacturers that depend on short-term tax relief for future development.

The result? A decline in domestic innovation, fewer advancements in high-tech manufacturing, and an economy that struggles to compete with subsidized international rivals.

R&D incentives matter

The intention behind the R&D tax credit was to spur economic growth. It’s meant to help businesses manage the unexpected costs of developing new technologies, upgrading production, and remaining competitive.

But now, many feel a lack of trust. The system is too limited and complicated, sometimes even harmful after depreciation.

When compared to China, it’s stark. Beijing provides “ultra-deductions,” direct subsidies, and a proactive industrial policy built around national interests. The impact is clear: China excels in semiconductors, solar energy, electric vehicles, and other crucial sectors.

Four necessary changes

Congress must move quickly to correct this trajectory and bring back America’s competitiveness.

  • Restore entire cost recovery: Companies should be permitted to deduct R&D costs in the year they are incurred, not over several years.
  • Enhance R&D credits: This should benefit startups, family-owned manufacturers, and small tech firms that drive innovation but often lack access to adequate support.
  • Simplify eligibility criteria and lessen audit risks: Current complexities deter many businesses from claiming credits.
  • Introduce a bonus credit: For R&D linked to domestic manufacturing in essential sectors like semiconductors, energy, defense, and infrastructure.

R&D as a foundational element

American manufacturing can’t revive without innovation. Ongoing investment in research and development is essential to reboot the automotive sector, re-position chip manufacturing, or expand clean energy. Without sensible tax policies supporting this, capital will not flow where it’s most needed.

Lawmakers from both parties love discussing support for US industry. However, true support comes from actionable policies, not just words. If Congress is genuine about restoring American manufacturing, they should begin by revising the tax mechanisms meant to keep us competitive.

Simply having a car doesn’t keep the automotive industry alive. It took innovations like the Ford assembly line to make it work. Thomas Edison didn’t just invent the light bulb; he made it feasible. Steve Wozniak may not have created the microchip, but he scaled the personal computer.

The inventors didn’t create a modern economy; it was the innovators who did that.

Innovation isn’t a cost. It’s, well, an investment—critical for national security, American workers, and the future of US leadership.

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