Religious education institutions in Central Europe, particularly within the Visegrad Group—comprising Czechia, Slovakia, Hungary, and Poland—are encountering tough challenges.
Criticism has emerged from Catholic bishops, educators, and segments of the media in response to anti-religious sentiments and measures against religious schools. These restrictions, which often prioritize budget concerns, come not exclusively from progressive factions, but also from various nationalists, conservatives, and pragmatists.
Recently, Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš raised eyebrows when he questioned why the government allocates 20 billion crowns annually to private and church schools. Back in his 2017 term, he inaccurately claimed that Czechia was “the only country in the world” to fund such institutions.
However, after receiving backlash from schools and a bishop, Babiš clarified that the government does not intend to abolish or cut funding for private or church schools. He noted these establishments fill educational gaps that the state has failed to address.
The current coalition government includes Babiš’s pragmatist, right-leaning party alongside a nationalist and a liberal-conservative party, hinting that his comments may stem from budgetary concerns rather than ideological ones.
Interestingly, some interpret his statements as part of a push to make churches financially accountable again. Historically, before the communist takeover after WWII, churches were integral to education in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland. Today, the call for “financial” equality implies challenges that may not involve outright persecution but could still jeopardize the existence of these institutions.
Church schools often address shortages in specific academic fields and available spots for students. Closing them could lead to greater state expenses for infrastructure and student placement, especially since some of these schools rank among the best nationally.
In Hungary, Prime Minister Péter Magyar indicated a desire for reform in church schools after his election victory in April 2026. Critics contend that Viktor Orbán’s administration, which robustly supported these institutions for 16 years, eroded their independence. The proposed changes are expected to face significant resistance.
Education Minister Judit Lannert stirred controversy by advocating for increased integration of Roma students in religious schools. However, some argue that the uneven demographics in these schools often reflect parental choices and community composition rather than church governance.
János Székely, head of the Hungarian Bishops’ Conference, commented that it’s misguided for the primary goal of church schools to be the exclusion of disadvantaged children.
Many church-administered institutions function effectively, leading analysts to believe the new government might not reverse their status but instead provide a compromise regarding funding. Following the communist era, the Catholic, Evangelical Lutheran, and Reformed churches regained control of their schools under Orbán, yet some may now revert to state management, a complex process due to long-term contracts.
Additionally, Magyar’s government, which leans conservative, faced skepticism over Lannert’s appointment due to her past social media activity supporting LGBTQ rights and her progressive views on sex education, raising questions about the government’s direction.
In Poland, religious classes have been rescheduled to less prominent times, reducing their emphasis. The government has also introduced a new mandatory subject, “health education,” which has raised alarms among the local episcopate and various advocacy groups who view it as undermining family values.
Meanwhile, Slovakia passed significant school reform in 2025 aimed at addressing funding inequalities, which has negatively impacted private and religious schools. This initiative, driven by a far-left nationalist government under Róbert Fico, has sparked disputes with local bishops regarding its fairness and implementation.
The landscape of religious education across Central Europe is shifting for various reasons. While one might assume these challenges originate primarily from progressive forces, they often also stem from pragmatists, nationalists, and conservatives seeking control over educational ideologies.
The rhetoric surrounding independence, fiscal constraints, and equitable financing is prevalent. However, the potential reduction in school diversity and increased public expenditures may manifest if some private or church schools shut down, particularly in nations that remain deeply rooted in religious tradition, like Slovakia and Poland, while Hungary’s actual level of belief is somewhat ambiguous.
