Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sissi has emerged as a pivotal ally in President Donald Trump’s Gaza peace initiatives, demonstrating support during negotiations and hosting a successful Gaza peace conference in Sharm el-Sheikh on Monday.
This marks a significant shift in U.S.-Egypt relations, especially given how past administrations, like those of Joe Biden and Barack Obama, sought to distance the two countries from one another.
During the conference, Sisi expressed his belief that Trump was, perhaps, “the only person who can bring peace to our region.” In turn, Trump commended Sisi, labeling him a “strong leader” and a personal friend, acknowledging his considerable influence in the Gaza peace efforts.
Trump remarked that Sisi has taken a tough approach to crime in Egypt. He cited the low crime rates, noting something like, “They don’t play games, so there’s very little crime,” while he pushed back against Democratic governors in the U.S. who he feels hinder law enforcement.
These comments sparked backlash from critics who are still upset with Sisi for removing the Islamist government that took over after the Arab Spring in 2011, which the Obama administration heavily criticized.
The narrative was reflective across the Arab world, particularly in Egypt, where the oppressive regime of Hosni Mubarak gave way to the Muslim Brotherhood, a radical group. Mohamed Mursi, the Brotherhood’s candidate, became Egypt’s first democratically elected president in 2012 before being ousted by Sisi a year later.
Mursi’s presidency was marked by authoritarianism and a dismissive approach to dissent, which led to Sisi’s rise to power in July 2013. While Morsi was backed by the Obama administration with foreign aid, the reality was that his government’s ethos was less about democracy and more about authoritarian control.
Looking back, the Obama administration seemed entranced by what they viewed as moderate elements within the Muslim Brotherhood, despite visible human rights abuses occurring in Egypt.
Additionally, it’s worth noting Mursi’s possible connections with Iran, which some believe was a part of a broader aim by the Obama administration to link Egyptian and Iranian interests—an objective thwarted by Sisi’s takeover.
Sisi’s efforts to rebuild churches destroyed by the Muslim Brotherhood went largely unappreciated by the prior administration, although the U.S. did eventually resume military aid to Egypt in 2015, despite internal criticism.
By that time, Sisi had established himself as a staunch opponent of ISIS, a challenge that the Obama administration struggled with. Sisi formed a military coalition to combat the group following an attack in Sinai.
In 2019, Trump’s approach differed significantly from Obama’s, claiming a decisive victory over ISIS that seemed to put his measures ahead of previous strategies. He regarded Sisi as a vital ally for counterterrorism and stability in the region.
At a G7 summit, Trump famously referred to Sisi as “my favorite dictator,” a remark that drew attention but didn’t seem to bother Sisi, who attended the meeting soon after.
During the 2020 election, Biden criticized Trump for his association with Sisi but, once in office, maintained a less confrontational stance than his predecessor. However, Biden withheld some military aid from Egypt due to human rights concerns.
Just recently, the Biden administration seemed to reverse its stance, restoring military aid to gain Egypt’s assistance with the ongoing war in Gaza. Observers noted that this change highlighted a profound need for collaboration in a delicate geopolitical landscape.
Those in Biden’s administration appeared surprised by Sisi’s long memory regarding perceived slights, particularly around threats to regime stability. It raises questions whether they could mobilize the same kind of coalition Trump did for Gaza, as they navigated their complicated relationship with Sisi.
