This editorial is part of The Hill's “How to Fix America” series, which explores solutions to the country's most pressing problems.
Polarization is a feature of American politics. Data shows that likability and trust in other people is at an all-time low. For all the concerns about this “emotional polarization” as a threat to democracy, there is another worrying data point that has completely bipartisan agreement. People feel that the government doesn't care about “people like me'' and is powerless to change. that.
This bipartisan opinion could be the key to rebuilding democracy after a divisive election season.
In 2016, a University of Maryland survey found that 65% of both Republicans and Democrats said “the system is rigged against people like me,” which is the same as Donald Trump and Think of it as the same as the populist rhetoric of Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Bert).
This anti-establishment sentiment remained in place in 2022. University of Chicago poll It turns out that most Americans of both political parties agree with that statement. People do not believe that the system is rigged against them, but they also believe that the system is not susceptible to democratic means to change its direction.
This spring, Rooney Center for the Study of American Democracy A nationally representative sample of the University of Notre Dame's Democracy Health Survey was asked whether they believed “people like me have no influence over government actions.” The results showed that 56% of Democrats and 74% of Republicans agreed or strongly agreed.
new CNN poll Similarly, 78% of Democrats, 83% of independents, and 86% of Republicans feel that America's political system needs an “overhaul” and “major reforms.” It turned out. Across the political spectrum, the crisis in American democracy lies not only in the polarization of the electorate, but also in the perceived indifference and unresponsiveness of government.
Populist politics taps into anger and frustration at government indifference. Another way of talking about populist responses to “care deficits” is what political scientist Ted Garr has called “relative status deprivation.” Relative status deprivation causes dissatisfaction not with the economy itself, but with the government's ability to make changes that benefit one's group. Whether it's the helplessness felt by rural communities against the waves of globalization, or concerns about demographic changes that will affect future voter turnout, the perception of disenfranchisement of power and status is the This is at the heart of the argument that the government is being rigged against people like them.
The issues that are attracting attention may have more to do with this sense of relative disenfranchisement than with policy preferences. Let's take inflation as an example. Inflation is so politically salient because it touches on this fundamental emotion. care Does it mean you can't afford food anymore? Inflation provides a viable outlet for populist grievances, as it feeds the narrative that governments and corporate elites don't care about and can't improve our lives. By introducing Policies such as price controlsthe Harris campaign is telling you that the government can do something to help people like you.
Similarly, President Trump's anti-immigrant rhetoric is aimed at identifying grievances and doing something about them, i.e., eliminating groups that appear to be standing in the way of “our” success. . This is an effective talking point that will reach the hearts of people who feel overlooked and powerless. Thus, for some voters, the truth of facts such as immigrant crimes and pet eating is less important than the communication itself. President Trump has signaled that he is prepared to do and say anything to remove the threat. President Trump says he cares about “people like me.”
This populist appeal is a double-edged sword. Take, for example, the “Donald Trump cares more about himself than he cares about people like the rest of us” framework that Harris explores in her talking points and ads.
Populists build their politics around resentment over relative deprivation, especially in democracies where the distribution of surpluses and deficits relies on a zero-sum mentality. The biggest challenge for democracies is to provide for the general welfare without resorting to populist appeals that turn people against each other. Perhaps the first step to restoring faith in democracy is to directly address the bipartisan majority who are skeptical that government can improve their lives. Kitchen table economic issues on which there is actual consensus provide a foundation to build upon.
The American Academy of Arts and Sciences recently announced a bipartisan set of solutions. Bridging economic silos —This is an important step toward putting together a solution to the “lack of nursing care.” There is also clear agreement between the two presidential camps that the government should enact a strong plan. paid family leave. additional bipartisan agreement on immigration reform and pro-worker policies such as: abolish tax on tips These are areas where candidates up and down the ballot actually agree and can lead, in the poll's words, “big reforms” that will help “people like me.”
Too many Americans are wondering how we can rebuild civility and get politics back on the right track after such a divisive and even violent election season. Opinion polls suggest we can continue down the populist path of “us versus them” or course correct by focusing on areas where majorities in both parties agree. Thankfully, even in the midst of populist rhetoric, bipartisan solutions to the biggest problems of our time are on our doorstep.
Politics seems more divided than ever, but there's a roadmap for politicians to chart itcareand cando somethingabout it. The legitimacy of democratic institutions depends on a government that shows up for “people like me.”
Dr. Joel Day is the Managing Director of the Notre Dame Democracy Initiative..
