During my almost three-week trip to South America, where I had the chance to interview both the presidents of Argentina and Peru, a common question arose among friends: “Who’s actually in charge of Venezuela?”
My response? “Same old scam.”
Interestingly, President Donald Trump has claimed he’s running Venezuela, especially after a U.S. raid that led to the arrest of former dictator Nicolás Maduro. He even posted on social media labeling himself as the “acting president of Venezuela.”
He mentioned he had extensive conversations with Delcy Rodriguez, Maduro’s ex-vice president and the new interim president, referring to her as a “fantastic person” who’s likely to follow his directives.
And yes, this is all happening alongside a U.S. naval blockade that threatens to interfere with Venezuela’s crucial oil exports.
Venezuela has released many political prisoners since Maduro’s arrest on January 3, when he was taken to New York on charges tied to drug terrorism.
However, according to the human rights organization Foro Penar, over 800 political prisoners still remain imprisoned.
Rodriguez, in her new role, has pledged to boost oil shipments to the U.S., a promise Maduro offered in hopes of having U.S. sanctions lifted.
More crucially, Rodriguez and nearly all high-ranking officials under Maduro’s regime, including powerful figures like Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello and Defense Minister Padrino López, still control the military, police, intelligence agencies, paramilitary groups, judicial system, and state media.
The regime’s “collectivists” have been stopping citizens on the streets to check their mobile devices and detaining those who express anti-Maduro sentiments online.
Rodriguez continues to refer to Maduro as Venezuela’s “legitimate” president, while state-run media has characterized his arrest as a “kidnapping” orchestrated by U.S. forces.
In a speech on January 15, a day after meeting with Trump, Rodriguez condemned the U.S. military’s “criminal economic blockade.”
She also asserted that Venezuela “has the right” to maintain strong connections with Russia, China, and Iran.
For Venezuelans, it seems, not much has shifted.
If anything, it feels like “madurismo sin Maduro,” which translates to Maduroism without Maduro.
Officials from Trump’s administration have suggested that bringing in opposition leaders to create a new government isn’t wise, cautioning against a scenario reminiscent of post-invasion Iraq.
There’s a lingering fear that military and bureaucratic resistance could spiral into chaos.
Yet, such an argument risks enabling a brutal dictatorship and discouraging foreign investments.
Promises from President Trump to “make Venezuela rich” may ultimately turn out to be as unfulfilled as previous ones.
Remember his ambitious vision for a “Gaza Riviera”? Or his pledge to resolve the Russia-Ukraine conflict on his “first day” in office?
This could be another instance of the same pattern.
Instead of showering praise on Rodriguez or incorrectly suggesting that opposition leader María Colina Machado lacks the “respect or support within Venezuela” to lead (even while welcoming her to the White House and calling her an “amazing woman”), Trump should have outlined a clear roadmap to foster democracy.
As it stands, he hasn’t shared a timeline for achieving free elections, such as restoring press freedoms and voting rights for the over 8 million Venezuelans living abroad.
At his inaugural press conference following Maduro’s capture, Trump spoke vaguely about oil, drugs, and immigration but never mentioned “democracy.”
He indicated that the transition might take “several years.”
“A roadmap is necessary,” suggested Peru’s interim president José Gerri, amid the inauguration of Edmundo González Uritia, the pro-Machado candidate who reportedly won the 2024 election according to credible tallies.
Charles Shapiro, a former U.S. ambassador to Venezuela, shared that clinging to the current system won’t foster stability and could backfire.
“In 30 days, 90 days, or six months, the Venezuelan people will get disillusioned,” Shapiro said. “That will stir an unstable political atmosphere.”
He proposed that President Trump could form a “group of prominent individuals” from outside the administration and the opposition to negotiate a plan for restoring fundamental freedoms and preparing for free elections.
“They could be university presidents, bishops, or cardinals,” he offered.
“Perhaps this could be arranged at the papal legation in Caracas,” he added.
I agree: unless there’s a timeline set for reinstating the rule of law, Trump will shift his focus to other foreign policy issues, the Rodriguez regime will solidify as a “tolerable” dictatorship in the eyes of the White House, and Venezuela will remain neither rich nor free.
Now is the moment to initiate that process.
