Trump needs a press secretary ready for the coming impeachment fights
Impeachment proceedings against President Trump and Secretary of War Pete Hegseth are likely over the next two years. Trump would be wise to choose a sharp, young communicator as his next press secretary—ideally a lawyer with a Supreme Court clerkship on their résumé.
As Congress takes aim at the administration, White House briefings are likely to turn into arguments over presidential power. Those debates have a long legal history. A press secretary who already knows the relevant cases and precedents will have an advantage over reporters who may be less familiar with them. If they need to be introduced to Justice Robert Jackson’s opinion in the 1952 case Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, they’ll be starting behind. Trump can’t afford that.
The latest effort to impeach Hegseth offers a preview of what’s ahead. The push was led by outgoing Republican Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky, who lost his primary in May to Ed Gallrein by nearly 10 percentage points. Massie’s final act in Congress failed, but it still drew attention—a reminder that an ambitious lawmaker can attract cameras by calling for impeachment, whatever the target.
Hegseth showed how to answer an effort he considers baseless at a Tuesday press conference: speak plainly, reject the stunt directly, and get back to work. Don’t get dragged into every detail.
Massie has been in Congress since 2014. He could have focused on a particular issue and built expertise over those years. Instead, he became known for appearing wherever the cameras were pointed. One achievement often credited to him is helping secure a provision in the 2018 Farm Bill that removed hemp from the federal controlled-substances definition, allowing commercial production nationwide.
Later, Massie turned his attention to the Epstein files, pushing for their release and using a discharge petition to force a vote. Three Republicans joined him: Marjorie Taylor Greene, Lauren Boebert and Nancy Mace. All four are set to leave Congress by January 3. The files brought renewed scrutiny to figures including former British ambassador Peter Mandelson and former U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer, but, according to the article, they contained no evidence implicating Trump in Epstein’s crimes. The effort did, however, challenge the longstanding practice of keeping raw investigative files private.
Discharge petitions can put lawmakers at odds with their party leadership, and they don’t always pay off. Rep. Mike Lawler of New York used one to force a vote on extending Obamacare subsidies. Three Republicans joined him, but the effort mainly put their colleagues in the awkward position of voting against the bill. Lawler and the three other Republicans who signed the petition all lost last week.
Political stunts can leave lasting impressions, especially among the people they frustrate. The recent election results shouldn’t obscure the fate of the eight Republicans who broke with their caucus, or of other lawmakers who helped bring down then-Speaker Kevin McCarthy in October 2023. Their efforts didn’t save them. And, when they look for work after leaving Congress, lobbying and public-affairs firms may wonder whether they can be trusted to stand by a new employer or client.
Democrats, meanwhile, will have little reason to hold back. With a large majority, they can bring impeachment measures to the floor repeatedly and expect broad support from their caucus. Some votes may pass, setting up lengthy Senate trials that could consume weeks or months.
The political payoff for lawmakers who lead those efforts will be considerable media attention. But the proceedings are unlikely to remove Trump. Even if senators agreed to hold trials on multiple articles of impeachment, enough Republicans would still have to vote for removal. That seems unlikely, making the whole process a major drain on time and attention.
My unsolicited advice to Trump: look at Supreme Court law clerks from the past six years and interview those who support a robust view of presidential power under Article II—and who can hold their own in a combative briefing room. The press corps may become as confrontational as it was during Nixon’s final two years in office.
Trump is his own strongest defender. Still, a young, articulate lawyer who knows the Constitution and can make a forceful case for executive authority could help get his message across as news organizations pursue another round of scandal and controversy in their long-running opposition to him.
