The Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act of 2018 gained significant bipartisan support, passing through both the House and Senate. It sets the groundwork for how the U.S. government approaches atrocities prevention, mandating coordinated efforts among various agencies, training for foreign service personnel, and annual reports to Congress detailing progress.
Nevertheless, there seems to be a lack of attention to this law within the U.S., despite the acknowledgment from both Democratic and Republican administrations over nearly two decades that preventing large-scale atrocities is a vital component of U.S. foreign policy.
In 2011, President Obama emphasized that preventing significant atrocities is a core national security interest and a moral obligation for the United States. Fast forward to 2019, the Trump administration reiterated a commitment to preventing and responding to widespread violence, establishing a framework for inter-agency cooperation. Then, President Biden, in 2021, reaffirmed the importance of preventing future genocides as a moral and national priority.
In 2018, Trump signed the Elie Wiesel Act, which was historic in establishing that the U.S. would incorporate the fight against atrocities into national law. Yet, this essential framework is currently facing serious threats.
It’s puzzling—what will Congress do about it? Massive atrocities often clash with American interests and provoke moral outrage, undermining diplomatic, developmental, and security efforts. Addressing these atrocities not only aligns with U.S. interests but also promotes international cooperation and heightens global leadership in seeking a peaceful, fair world.
The U.S. has the capability to protect civilians and avert significant human rights abuses. Still, the reality is complicated; many factors contribute to atrocities, and a solitary approach won’t suffice. Today, more than ever, this work is critical.
While the system for addressing atrocities in the U.S. is imperfect, efforts to improve it are at risk of being overshadowed by failures. This threatens the nation’s commitment to safeguarding civilians and preventing future atrocities.
The annual report required by the Elie Wiesel Act was due to Congress on July 15, but it wasn’t submitted. This report is crucial for informing Congress and the public about ongoing efforts to fulfill these obligations. It serves as a benchmark for progress and highlights areas needing attention.
Unfortunately, not only was the report delayed, but many experts in the U.S. government tasked with atrocities prevention have faced reassignment or retirement, severely limiting the country’s expertise. Major agencies like USAID and the Department of State have seen reductions that hinder their ability to meet legal responsibilities effectively.
In light of these significant gaps, a group of former civil servants who specialized in atrocity prevention recently presented a “Shadow Elie Wiesel Method Report” to congressional staff. These individuals had previously contributed to the formal reports and knew the value of civil society’s input in such discussions—input that is now sorely lacking.
Preventing atrocities remains essential. When Congress passed the Elie Wiesel Act, the intention was clear; simply having dedicated public servants wouldn’t suffice. Institutionalizing and incentivizing these initiatives within governance is crucial for competing against other foreign policy goals.
So why has Congress not acted while this administration undermines its ability to tackle these fundamental national security issues? I hope lawmakers take the time to examine this shadow report and consider its implications seriously.
Why has the capacity of the U.S. government to prevent large-scale atrocities been compromised? How does this affect national interests? What are the global implications? What can we do to salvage what’s left and begin rebuilding? Is Congress willing to uphold existing laws and supervise their implementation?
Above all, we must not abandon the promise of “never again.” The world deserves better—Americans deserve better.
Kim Hart previously led USAID’s Global Human Rights Team, and D. Wes Rist worked as an Atrocity Prevention Policy Advisor at the State Department’s Office of Conflict and Stabilization Operations, both serving under the Trump and Biden administrations until April.
