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Our immigration policy used to support US foreign policy, and it can do so again.

Our immigration policy used to support US foreign policy, and it can do so again.

The expansion of immigration restrictions by the Trump administration raises concerns about repeating less enlightened periods in American history without absorbing the lessons learned. Historically, immigration policies have been a tool not just for exclusion, but for enhancing the nation’s security and moral standing on the world stage.

Currently presented as a straightforward solution to complex border issues, this sweeping ban lacks the depth and strategic vision that made immigrants vital to US foreign relations. It closes the door on vulnerable allies while overlooking the root causes of migration and failing to harness its potential advantages.

A century ago, daunting immigration quotas primarily benefitted Northern and Western Europeans, while millions of Jews, Catholics, Asians, and others were deemed undesirable. The language may have shifted, yet the reflex to shut out those seeking refuge persists, echoing familiar anxieties.

However, post-World War II marked a turn in America’s approach that merits reflection today.

As communism tightened its hold in Eastern Europe, the US not only formed military alliances and containment strategies but also embraced political exiles as allies in a broader ideological battle. These immigrants became integral to America’s initiatives against totalitarianism through civic activism and cultural preservation.

Thousands resettled in the US, subjected to careful vetting and supported by organizations like the National Committee of Free Europe and various faith-based charities. Among them were around 10,000 Albanian families who fled repression with help from these groups. My own family, shared among those seeking new beginnings, found refuge in America.

These immigrants weren’t viewed merely as burdens; they were assets in the ideological struggle against tyranny.

Under the auspices of the State Department, and with backing from private foundations and community networks, these liberty committees launched targeted information campaigns, published anti-communist literature, and educated young refugees, reinforcing America’s moral authority. The Freedom Committee, operating somewhat independently to uphold international credibility, had enough backing to be impactful. It facilitated job placements for immigrant leaders and helped maintain their cultural identities, fostering connections between sensitive political communities in the US and abroad.

This approach led to a kind of soft power framework that bolstered America’s ethical standing while offering displaced individuals not just safety, but purpose.

Rethinking the strategy of immigration as a national asset deserves attention now. The current debate often reduces issues to a binary choice: openness versus security, but history suggests there’s a third perspective. Immigrants can be viewed as partners who not only safeguard our interests but also reinforce them.

The US has built strong communities from nations facing authoritarianism—think Russia, Venezuela, Afghanistan, and Iran. Many of these new arrivals are teachers, writers, human rights defenders, and civic leaders. They come equipped with valuable language skills, cultural insights, and transnational networks, along with a genuine commitment to democratic principles.

What if we reconsidered their roles as strategic allies rather than barriers?

A historical precedent exists. Post-9/11, the US sought help from Afghan and Iraqi diasporas in areas like translation and cultural outreach. During the Cold War, émigrés played key roles in public diplomacy. Today’s challenges—disinformation, cross-border oppression, democratic erosion—demand similarly flexible responses.

Latin America exemplifies this dynamic. In the 1970s and 1980s, military regimes led to the flight of thousands of dissidents from countries like Chile and Argentina. Many of these individuals settled in cities such as Los Angeles and New York, where they founded independent media outlets, documented human rights violations, and forged ties with American civil society. With limited support, these exiles captured global attention on authoritarian abuses even after media coverage waned.

This model remains relevant. Providing training on digital safety, media production, or asylum navigation to Venezuelan and Nicaraguan activists can empower local communities to combat authoritarian practices. The same approach could benefit Iranian and Ukrainian exiles in their efforts to safeguard dissenting voices and disseminate uncensored information.

These initiatives would require just a fraction of the resources currently allocated to border enforcement, enhancing both national security and the nation’s democratic image.

Skeptics might argue that leveraging immigrant talents could politicize their presence or even jeopardize their safety. Yet, dismissing their insights, skills, and dedication would be a lost opportunity. The Freedom Committee of the 1950s, while imperfect, highlighted a crucial truth: those who escape oppression often possess the moral clarity and courage to confront it.

Immigration policy doesn’t have to be divorced from foreign policy or national security. When thoughtfully integrated, it can amplify American values and advance the nation’s interests. It’s time to rediscover and trust in that strategic vision. After all, it’s important to remember that these individuals are still people who hold onto faith in America’s promises.

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