From Russia’s perspective, there’s a significant issue with the West. It’s not something that many Russians appreciate.
In the Kremlin’s narrative, the culprit isn’t the devastation in Ukraine or the threat posed by nuclear weapons. Instead, they blame “the latest phobic propaganda unleashed by the West.”
Recently, there’s been a surge in discussions around “Russophobia,” suggesting that this fear of Russia is akin to a psychological disorder. While skepticism about Russia seems completely rational these days, Moscow aims to frame it as a detached ideology that necessitates a united front against this so-called Russophobia.
On July 26, a spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Maria Zakharova, proposed a day dedicated to combating “Russophobia,” similar to International Holocaust Remembrance Day. Just days ago, the Russian Foreign Ministry unveiled a collection of 150 instances of what they termed “hate speech” against Russia, primarily from Western officials and elites. These were categorized into collections from 2024 and 2025.
The examples included statements that labeled Putin a dictator and hostile to Europe, suggesting that peace hinges on the strength of the West. Some comments drew parallels between Putin’s actions and tactics used by Stalin and the Nazis. The sentiment was that Putin cannot be trusted, even if a ceasefire is reached. Notably, one instance included Senator Lindsey Graham implying that if Putin were curious about Trump’s potential actions absent a ceasefire, he should consult “Ayatollahs.”
If we examine the types of remarks listed as “hate speech,” it appears the Kremlin primarily targets negative assessments of Putin’s government. There’s no mention of broader rhetoric condemning the Russian populace. In stark contrast, Russian media often uses derogatory terms for Ukrainians, with suggestions that anti-Russian beliefs should be ingrained in Ukrainian children, and statements that ethics from the New Testament are irrelevant in this context.
This recent listing has already sparked diplomatic tensions between Moscow and Rome. Italian President Sergio Mattarella previously likened the invasion of Ukraine to Third Reich actions. Following that, Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani summoned the Russian ambassador, expressing that including Mattarella in the list was a “provocation to the Republic and the Italians.”
Ambassador Alexei Paramonov responded, claiming, in an interview, that two new “viruses” have infiltrated the Italian elite: Russophobia and Ucrophilia, particularly in aggressive forms.
Relations between Russia and Italy were already strained following the cancellation of a concert featuring Russian conductor Valery Gergiev, amid protests against the war in Ukraine. In a response, Kremlin supporters organized an “anti-Russophobia” event in seven Italian cities with posters, concerts, and film screenings.
The term Russophobia itself isn’t novel. It gained traction in official Russian rhetoric post-2014 following the Maidan Revolution in Ukraine. Putin has referenced it multiple times, outlining his discontent with Ukraine. In March 2023, Russia even called for a UN Security Council meeting to discuss the topic as a means to deflect attention from its own military actions. In May, Russian authorities claimed Russophobia was a justification for banning Amnesty International.
This ongoing push against Russophobia seems to arise from a desire to integrate it into international dialogues on racism and discrimination. Despite ridicule towards Russia’s actions in Ukraine, officials could still utilize the platform to promote their perspectives on the conflict.
Additionally, Russia may try to persuade allied nations to incorporate Russophobia into their hate speech legislation. This tactic not only silences dissenting Russian voices abroad but also enables the Kremlin to suggest that the fight against Russophobia is gaining traction.
Nonetheless, fixating on Russophobia appears problematic as an international strategy. Complaining about a dislike for Russia seems indicative of a lack of self-awareness from a nation that openly criticizes its neighbors. Moreover, claiming that Western propaganda is powerful enough to create widespread Russophobia suggests Russian vulnerability.
Yet, Russia may have a point regarding Western animosity. A Pew Research poll from June found that among 13 NATO countries, 84% held uncertain feelings towards Putin, while 79% viewed Russia unfavorably. This sentiment is hardly surprising, given Russia’s recent actions.
