For Johnson, the road gets rougher from here 

For House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-Louisiana), the easy part is over.

The untested Republican leader rose to the upper echelons of power last fall and spent his first three months negotiating a series of spending deals with President Biden, but his predecessor, former Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) It did not face the same political headwinds as the state election. ), was ousted as Speaker of the House for entering into a very similar agreement.

But the coming weeks pose even tougher challenges, with Congress facing two deadlines that must be met on long-term government spending, and how Johnson will decide how to get more Ukraine aid through the House of Commons. Or you may be faced with an important decision about what to do. Former President Trump and conservatives' intentions in Johnson's own press conference.

Meanwhile, the House of Commons is scheduled to consider a bipartisan tax proposal next week, but it has quickly infuriated Prime Minister Johnson's right wing, both for its content and the expedited process by which Republican leaders are seeking to bring the bill to a vote.

The complex agenda creates a dangerous situation for the new chair. He was given early space to operate with impunity, but he is wary of the looming legislative minefield amid new threats that one misstep could see him go after Mr. McCarthy. will have to overcome this.

Even some leadership allies are quick to admit that Mr Johnson is not in an easy position.

“He was thrown into the deepest part of the pool with the heaviest weight around his neck and told to learn to swim. It was a pretty brutal process, it was tough and this was a negotiation. “It's the second most difficult part of the calendar,” said Rep. Patrick McHenry, R-N.C., who served as interim speaker from Mr. McCarthy's ouster to Mr. Johnson's inauguration. Reporters at the Capitol.

“He couldn't avoid these decisions, so he had to learn a lot and fumble his way through them.”

In the early stages, Johnson was quick to study. Since taking his gavel in late October, he has supported two short-term spending bills known as continuing resolutions (CRs) to prevent a government shutdown. And this month, he secured a third bipartisan agreement on top-line numbers to govern spending in 2024 through the remainder of the fiscal year that ends Oct. 1.

Johnson's bipartisan consensus-building has earned him praise from Democrats, who have welcomed his willingness to reach across the aisle and strike deals to keep the government running.

“I think he understands [that] To govern, you have to be able to step outside your comfort zone and compromise,” said Rep. Henry Cuellar (D-Texas). “And I have to give it to him. I think he's trying to do that.”

But this cooperative stance has infuriated conservatives, particularly those in the far-right Freedom Caucus, who have accused McCarthy of disrespecting the House majority's authority and are now leveling the same criticism at Johnson. ing.

“The people voted for a Republican majority, not for Democrats to pass bad legislation that Republicans shouldn't have on the floor,” said Scott Perry, former head of the Freedom Caucus. Congressman (R-Pennsylvania) says: said about the tax agreement.

The tax bill, which combines cuts for businesses and benefits for low-income households, passed the Ways and Means Committee by an overwhelming 40-3 vote. But the exclusion of the controversial SALT state and local tax credit has infuriated moderate Republicans in wealthy states, and conservatives have called for scrapping agreements that provide child tax credits to families of illegal immigrants. ing.

Some Republicans attacked their party for being too generous to businesses.

“I'm tired of these gutless cowards in Washington,” Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) told Fox Radio host Jimmy Failla on Thursday.

“Do you know what we're going to put on the floor next week?” he continued. “Republicans are endless wars and corporate whores, so a tax cut bill for corporations. That's it. That's what they represent…I pretend it's something else.” I have no intention of doing so.”

Republican leaders are expected to bring the tax bill to the floor using a procedural gamble known as the suspension calendar, which requires a two-thirds majority for passage. The strategy avoids the need to vote on precedent rules that critics of the tax deal might block, but it would antagonize conservatives by taking away amendment power.

“The major bill should go to the Rules Committee,” Perry said.

Of the upcoming legislative battles, only government funding must be passed. Earlier this month, Congress united to adopt a CR that would extend government funding at 2023 levels until March 1 for some agencies and until March 8 for others.

Weeks earlier, Prime Minister Boris Johnson had backed a bipartisan top-line agreement to manage the transition to higher spending levels in 2024. However, the more difficult task is to distribute these funds to the various institutions and legislate them, a task that has not yet been completed.

Conservatives were already alarmed that Johnson supported top-line numbers they considered too high, and the final long-term spending bill included a number of issues on radioactive issues such as abortion, immigration and government “wokeness.” They are requesting that special policy provisions be included. Democratic Party.

In this debate, Johnson and his leadership team will try to strike a deal with Democrats to appease conservatives who want to prevent a government shutdown and demand policy wins in exchange for keeping the government open. It is certain that they will be caught between these efforts.

“How is he going to deal with the desire of all members to do something terrible?” Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-Ill.) wondered before recess. “So I don't think we're off the brink of closure. There's no real confidence. And if he agreed without a rider, would they kick him out? It could be him. I can't tell you how much I love you.”

While fights over government spending have their pitfalls, the fight over aid to Ukraine may pose the biggest threat to Johnson.

Republicans overwhelmingly supported billions of dollars in aid to Kiev in the wake of the Russian invasion two years ago, but the party's appetite for continuing that massive aid has waned dramatically.

A test vote last September on $300 million in aid to Ukraine failed to garner support from half of the Republican conference. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) has vowed that if Johnson brings Ukraine funding to the floor, she will introduce a motion to remove him. And Trump, the overwhelming favorite for the Republican presidential nomination, opposed an initial deal in the Senate that combined aid for Ukraine and domestic border security, reinforcing his own “America first” platform. There is.

Johnson seems to be listening.

After meeting with Biden at the White House earlier this month, the speaker said House Republicans would oppose the Ukraine bill, which lacks tough new restrictions on southern immigration. And on Friday, he sent a letter to members of the conference, reassuring them that if a deal passes in the Senate, its life in the House would be short.

“If the rumors about the contents of the draft were true, it would have been dead on arrival in the House of Commons anyway,” Johnson wrote.

Emily Brooks contributed reporting.