hindu priestchantingIt's a rare sight to see him preaching and praying for a U.S. presidential candidate. But in 2024, the world witnessed just that when Hindu priests in New Delhi prayed for Trump's victory.
Indeed, there wasprayerThat was the case for Vice President Harris, especially in her ancestral village. The hopes and prayers for Ms. Harris are understandable given her mother's roots in southern India and the pronounced ethnic unity, but she is of German and British descent in Queens, New York. The gathering of priests for what has now become a ritual for a bred businessman is worth pondering. .
From Trump's first campaign in 2016 to his most recent campaign in 2024, India's right-wing forces, strategic thinkers, and even analysts of the US-India bilateral relationship have generally been bullish on Trump becoming president. This is a position not seen in most countries. part of EuropeSoutheast Asia, or even Canada.
On November 5, while much of Europe was in a state of panic, Indians rejoiced at the news that their former president would re-enter the Oval Office as the 45th president of the United States. but why?
The U.S.-India relationship is built on three strong pillars: immigration and the resulting diaspora, trade and commercial relations, and finally defense and security cooperation. Presidents from George W. Bush to Joe Biden have all sought good relations with the world's largest democracy. And unsurprisingly, bilateral partnerships are on an upward trajectory.
Since the early 2000s, trade has expanded significantly, Indian migration to the United States has increased exponentially, and there has been growing concern about China's aggressive behavior in the Indo-Pacific. Security cooperation has expanded beyond the
However, not all governments in Washington or New Delhi are creating an environment conducive to unfettered growth. As we have witnessed with recent relationship turmoil,Suspected murder of Khalistan separatistbilateral partnerships are often caught up in a myriad of Cold War-era differences.
Measured by these metrics, relations between the Biden administration and India are among the worst in two decades. The Quad meeting was postponed, the dispatch of defense orders to New Delhi was delayed, and New Delhi was pressured (unsuccessfully) to choose sides between Russia and Ukraine.
Let's compare this with the first Trump administration's management of relations with New Delhi. Trump and Modi’s personal relationship — seen at events likehello modi— took the partnership to new heights.
Moreover, multilateral initiatives like the Quad have found new resonance in four countries: Japan, Australia, India, and the United States. Synergies from multilateral initiatives and security agreements underlined the deepening strategic partnership between Washington and New Delhi under Trump 1.0.
Nevertheless, the surrounding issues tradeAnd immigration proved to be a thorny issue for this partnership. President-elect Trump's first administration saw tariff battles and disputes with allies and partners. India was not saved either. The trade imbalance between the two economies and India's protectionist policies were a source of tension between the two countries during the first government.
Similarly, while not a major intergovernmental issue like trade, highly restrictive legal immigration policies have certainly made it difficult for Indian information technology companies to obtain visas for their employees.
Although these were provocative, none of the Trump administration's policies were seen as challenging India's sovereignty or openly contradicting its strategic interests in the Indian Ocean region, as were the Biden administration's policies. . haveon multiple occasions.
From the Biden administration's recognition of the government established in Bangladesh after the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina; diplomatIn sending virtue signals to India's domestic politics, the Indian regime has practiced, in the words of Professor John Mearsheimer, “liberal hegemony.” Meanwhile, President-elect Trump expressedConcern and solidarity with religious minorities, including Hindus, in Bangladesh.
Countries in the Global South, from Vietnam to India to Mexico, will have problems with President Trump over trade and immigration. Interestingly, however, they are even more perturbed by the Biden administration's involvement in domestic affairs. India is just one of many countries in the Global South whose democratic credentials are constantly contested by Westerners. Paradoxically, Westerners who champion liberalism and democracy tend to evoke greater anti-imperialist sentiment in former colonies than Westerners who advocate restraint and realism in foreign policy.
The Indian diaspora in the United States is primarilyI votedDemocratic Party, including the recently concluded election. But if Trump goes aheadexpandA highly skilled legal immigrant, he will roll out the red carpet for a historically Democratic voting community to join the Republican Party.
India's civil society and strategic community have made several important contributions, from Secretary of State Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) to National Security Advisor Rep. He is overjoyed by President Trump's nominations to high-level positions. Tulsi Gabbard becomes Director of National Intelligence. All of them have consistently advocated, brazenly or not, for stronger ties with India.
For New Delhi, President Trump's transactional foreign policy with defense and security agreements that precludes any evangelization of Biden's values will be a welcome policy shift. Moreover, if the Washington administration is willing to engage with Russia, it may also ease the headache for New Delhi of dealing with calls from Western countries to sever ties with Russia.
It may be premature, but all signs point to a strengthened US-India partnership under Trump 2.0.
Akhil RameshHe is Director of the Pacific Forum's India Program and Economic National Strategic Initiatives.
