Donald Trump will soon return to the White House after another successful campaign against business as usual in Washington, including breaking the US foreign policy consensus. But if the incoming Trump administration is serious about ensuring an America-first foreign policy, corporations and foreign interests will buy influence over key nodes in the foreign policy-making apparatus for a pittance. The opaque world of think tank funding should not be overlooked. Surveillance — to shift U.S. policy to their own benefit, often at the expense of the American people.
In July, the Department of Justice was indicted Suh Mi Taeli, a leading expert on the Korean Peninsula, has been arrested by the Wilson Center and the Council on Foreign Relations on charges of acting as a foreign agent for South Korea without registering under the Foreign Agents Registration Act. He has held senior positions at prestigious think tanks such as
For more than a decade, Terry is said to have provided information to South Korean intelligence agents in exchange for luxury goods and funds. Former White House Counsel Gregory Craig, who himself faced FARA charges that were ultimately dismissed. claimed That Terry's actions are simply what is necessary to “succeed in the world of think tanks.”
Mr. Craig is half right. Think tanks' reliance on connections with foreign governments and special interest groups is certainly the norm, not the exception. However, these issues are not only necessary for success, but also have a significant impact on the research results and policy recommendations that think tanks produce.
Think tanks claim to be objective, but their funding sources matter. There is growing evidence to suggest that funding often comes with conditions attached, leading to censorship, viewpoint filtering, and in rare cases, outright “research pay” arrangements with donors.
Donors are well aware of these benefits. As a 2014 internal report of the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs noticed“Funding powerful think tanks is one way to gain such access, and some think tanks in Washington openly communicate that they can only serve the foreign governments they fund. “
However, surprisingly little is known about think tank funding. With this in mind, we Think tank funding trackinga publicly searchable database that allows users to investigate think tank funding relationships from Department of Defense contractors and foreign government sources.
In the past five years alone, foreign governments have donated $110 million to the top 50 U.S. think tanks. The United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom and Qatar were the biggest contributors, contributing $16.7 million, $15.5 million and $9.1 million, respectively. The top 100 Pentagon contractors contributed just under $35 million, led by Northrop Grumman, Lockheed Martin, Mitsubishi and others, and gave tracking think tanks $5.6 million, $2.6 million and $2.1 million.
Think tanks' dependence on these special interests will only increase. From 2019 to 2023, the top 50 U.S. foreign policy think tanks reported a nearly 30% increase in funding from the top 100 Pentagon contractors. Over the same period, the think tank reported a 36% increase in funding from foreign governments, despite no apparent increase in transparency.
But the most jarring takeaway from the think tank funding tracker is what it doesn't include. In fact, think tanks are not required to disclose information about their funders, and 18 of the top 50 US foreign policy think tanks do not disclose any information about their funders. The combined annual revenue of these top “dark money” think tanks is a whopping $289 million.
It's anyone's guess whether the entities funneling nearly $300 million into these “dark money” think tanks are China, Saudi Arabia, or other companies that don't attract public attention. In the words of former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, these are “known unknowns.”
While foreign agents, lobbyists, and even universities must disclose certain information about their clients and contracts, think tanks boast an unregulated independence. Daniel Drezner, professor of international politics at Tufts University's Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, said: Funding think tanks Because regulations are lax, it is “worth the same amount of money spent on lobbyists.''
Foreign countries seeking to interfere in American politics have begun to secretly exploit this obvious loophole. guardian reported Earlier this year, Israel even considered forming a non-profit organization, such as a think tank, specifically to avoid disclosure requirements.
This lack of transparency also opens up the possibility for think tank officials to circumvent laws such as the Foreign Agents Registration Act, which requires foreign lobbyists to register and disclose their activities. In July 2023, Gal Luft, a dual citizen of the United States and Israel and co-director of a foreign policy think tank, was indicted For paying a Trump advisor on behalf of a Chinese company.
With millions of dollars flowing into think tanks' coffers from foreign governments and weapons manufacturers, it's time to demand more transparency. Conflicts of interest, real or perceived, should be at the forefront.
Lawmakers should impose regulations that require nonprofits to disclose the sources of significant funding from corporations and government donors. This would build on existing bipartisan legislation, such as the Think Tank Transparency Act. introduced Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) and the Combating Foreign Influences Act; introduced The bill, by Rep. Jared Golden (D-Maine), would require nonprofit organizations to disclose donations from foreign governments.
Think tanks are an integral part of the U.S. policy-making process. Foreign governments and special interests are well aware of this and are investing heavily in think tanks to increase their influence in America. Second, Congress needs to recognize this dynamic and require think tanks that want to influence it to be more transparent with their donors.
ben freemanHe is director of the Democratic Foreign Policy Program at the Quincy Institute. nick cleveland stout I am a junior researcher at Quincy Research Institute.
