Humiliation in international affairs comes in many forms, often in unexpected ways. On Friday, he buried President Joe Biden, humiliating himself with the cowardice of his administration’s foreign policy.
First, the White House effectively abandoned Israel by sponsoring a Security Council resolution calling for an “immediate and lasting ceasefire” in the Gaza Strip. Then, Russia and China’s unexpected vetoes, almost for fun, slapped America in the face. While American media unfamiliar with U.N. performance art did not fully grasp the extent of Friday’s diplomatic reversal, Biden again criticized himself on Monday for not vetoing an anti-Israel ceasefire resolution. This further exacerbated the problem.
After several weeks of negotiations, and a series of textual withdrawals, the final and important decision on the US draft resolution was reached. language It states that the Security Council “determines the imperative of an immediate and lasting ceasefire” and “towards that end continues international diplomatic efforts to secure such a ceasefire in the context of the conflict.” We unequivocally support it.” release of all the remaining hostages. ”
Formerly Washington exercised the right of veto Three proposals that do not directly link ceasefire and hostage release, because The council’s actions could have derailed negotiations for a hostage ceasefire agreement. The U.S. government also circulated a draft resolution embodying this collaboration, which was significantly different from those vetoed by the Russian and Chinese governments.Previous text 1 reportedly The Council said it “supports a temporary ceasefire in Gaza as soon as possible, on the basis of the release of all hostages” and “removes all barriers to the provision of large-scale humanitarian assistance” in Gaza. Importantly, these early US drafts called for a ceasefire “as soon as practicable,” far from “immediate,” a concession that is now nearly impossible to reverse.
But this time, the White House itself cut the hostages out of the ceasefire, albeit vaguely, in a futile effort to bridge an unbridgeable gap for Israel (and for Biden’s negotiators as well). It was so clear that getting an agreement regardless of cost was a priority that one American diplomat said: Conceded a point On Thursday, he said the U.S. draft was written to allow other countries to “read through what is necessary” to support it.
This is the kind of weakness that leads to humiliation, and that’s exactly what happened. Ironically, it was Russia’s ambassador to the UN, Vasily Naventsia, who understood the US domestic politics behind Washington’s motives.he called The “thinly worded” text is aimed at “deceiving voters and throwing them a bone with some kind of reference to the ceasefire in Gaza.”
The Europeans quickly took credit for changing their view of the United States and foresaw what was to come. new determination This is a further departure from the administration’s original policy since October. 7 Approach.Belgian Prime Minister Alexander de Croo boasted“Gradually other countries joined our position, and the fact that the United States adopted [it] also played a role. ” French President Emmanuel Macron was even better. explicit On the U.S. government’s shift: “What’s important to note is that the U.S. has changed its position and clearly signaled its intention to abide by the ceasefire. For a long time, Americans were reticent. That reticence is gone now. .”
Indeed, on Monday, the United States abstained from the latest anti-Israel resolution, allowing all 14 other Security Council members to adopt it. Doing so would only further strain relations between Washington and Jerusalem, to the detriment of both.
But Israel’s next move to end Hamas is the real question. So Friday brought yet another humiliation for Biden. Israeli Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu, who met with Secretary of State Antony Blinken in Jerusalem, unreservedly rejected any postponement or cancellation of Israeli military action.Prime Minister Netanyahu acknowledges previous support for Biden declared“But I also told him that there was no way to defeat Hamas other than by rushing into Rafah and wiping out the remaining battalion there. And I told him that we would do it with American support. I told them that I hope so, but that I would do it alone if necessary.”
A key question is whether Biden agrees that Israel’s legitimate right to self-defense includes the explicit goal of eliminating Hamas’ military and political capabilities. With the full support of Iran, Hamas has brutally created a humanitarian crisis in Gaza. Endangering his country’s civilian population, Hamas hopes to save itself from destruction by persuading other countries to prevent Israel’s victory. If Biden’s ongoing intellectual confusion prevails and allows Hamas to claim such a “terrorist veto” over legitimate self-defense, Israel will be permanently weakened. . Global counterterrorism efforts will do the same, with deadly consequences for many more innocent victims. The United States should flatly reject the concept of a “terrorist veto.”
Biden’s decline in support for Israel’s self-defense is closely tied to the failure of his efforts to overthrow the Netanyahu government. Ironically, expecting that ousting Prime Minister Netanyahu will solve the Israeli “problem” reveals Biden’s fundamental misreading of Israeli politics, which is always complex, especially now. Whatever Netanyahu’s personal approval ratings, his wartime cabinet, which includes several prominent political opponents, faces no substantive opposition to its anti-Hamas military goals. In fact, by attacking Netanyahu, Biden likely strengthened Netanyahu through a backlash against outside interference.
An Israeli attack on Hamas in Rafah could occur at any time, and a victory there could be a decisive turning point in the fight against the ultimate aggressor, Iran.Now is not the time for the United States to show weakness, especially at the United Nations.
Jerusalem follows Winston Churchill’s insight that “without victory there is no survival.” Washington should agree.
John Bolton served as President Trump’s National Security Adviser from 2018 to 2019 and as the United States Ambassador to the United Nations from 2005 to 2006. He held senior posts at the State Department from 1981 to 1983, 1989 to 1993, and 2001 to 2005.
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