I was happy to see all the responses to my recent column on polarization, but also worried to see how many readers misunderstood my meaning. Just for the record, do not have I deplore the polarization I discussed. I see this as a fortunate response to an intolerant cultural left, an out-of-control administrative state, and the anti-discrimination regime we live in. I would be more concerned if populist responses to left-wing power grabs had little or no effect, as in Canada and Germany.
The polarization in question is not between Republicans and Democrats as it existed 50 years ago. Since then, a major realignment has taken place in most parts of the Western world, with the predominantly white working class becoming the vanguard of a transformed political right.
To his credit, Trump unsettled the entrenched left and its media handlers while uniting ordinary Americans.
Meanwhile, many members of the professional class, corporate capitalist executives, educators, and government administrators have united with the lower classes and, more recently, with illegal immigrants to form a new left bloc.
This currently prevalent left supports cultural radicals and the strengthening of executive and judicial power, but its power brokers have not historically been socialists in any sense. But they are pushing green energy policies that benefit Democratic donors. The crony capitalists who fund the Democratic Party are making their fortunes on “alternative energy,” “alternative cars,” and “alternative heating.” Unfortunately, these costly and usually ineffective innovations create hardship for working-class Americans and small businesses while making the already wealthy even richer.
While the Democratic Party serves as the voice of this awakened coalition, the Republican Party is still working to redefine itself. Mr. Trump has become the most prominent proponent of the emerging populist cause, but his brash, off-the-cuff speaking style does not consistently express populist positions.
To his credit, Trump unsettled the entrenched left and its media handlers while uniting ordinary Americans. Even those who deplore President Trump’s outlet for anger and the laxity of his rhetoric can appreciate his contributions to a populist movement seeking a renewal of national identity and reining in an out-of-control government.
Given that Democrats have already destroyed the lives and confiscated property of Republican presidential candidates, and have readily used violence and insurrection to increase their power, a return to bipartisanship will only be delayed. I have no idea what that means. A necessary struggle.
The idea that we can go back to the days of President Ronald Reagan and House Speaker Tip O’Neill (D-Mass.), who cracked Irish jokes and cobbled together congressional agreements, is pure fantasy. Some Democrats in Congress may want to strike a deal with their Republican colleagues on some commercial issues or aid to Israel or Ukraine. But this does not return us to the bipartisanship of earlier days. The left is now working to eliminate even the possibility of an effective opposition.
No, I’m not opposed to running “moderate” Republicans in battleground districts. Suppose that the price for allowing Republicans to be competitive is to minimize their differences with their Democratic opponents. I would be happy if all the Republican candidates came out guns blazing, but I certainly know that’s not possible everywhere. Moreover, unless Republicans are able to elect more candidates to high office, they are unlikely to wield much power for any purpose.
Still, some may expect Republicans elected in battleground districts to behave more like “moderate” Democrats. Even if my senator, John Fetterman, isn’t as eccentric as I expected, there are no moderate Democrats once elected. Another senator from Pennsylvania, Robert Casey Jr., ran as a centrist Democrat, but his voting record in Congress distinguishes him from that of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (New York). It’s difficult. Just as Casey moved to the left after the election, I hope our moderate Republicans become more conservative as president.
Finally, I did not mean to say that the populist right has no path to political victory. But the path lies in extracting as many votes as possible from sympathetic voters.Salena Zito in recent comments We launched this useful strategy to win back Pennsylvania from the Democrats. Instead of wasting energy trying to make inroads in heavily Democratic urban districts, Zito said Republicans should try to win in predominantly small red counties.
If Republicans want to attract more black voters, that should sound reasonable. According to PaceFox News, there is no evidence that black voters are in a hurry to change their party affiliation. Furthermore, there is no reason to call Biden and his party “racist” for supporting the 1994 crime bill or opposing busing, which was supposed to increase racial diversity in schools. . Both parties took that position, and were completely justified in doing so.Same goes for black voters. overwhelmingly supported Crime legislation passed by Congress in 1994. moreover, both sides negotiated the bill and Southern Democrats who voted against civil rights laws in the 1960s. What were the alternatives back then? Attacking what was once a sensible bipartisan position as racist will not motivate anyone to flip their party.
