Recent polling indicates that Generation Z might be adopting the proactive, interventionist stance traditionally held by earlier generations. However, the underlying data from the study presents a more nuanced picture than the initial conclusions suggest.
These findings prompted a column in the Washington Post by Fox News contributor Marc Thiessen, who argued that “young MAGA voters don’t want America to pull back from the world; they want to lead it.” He stated that Trump supporters under 30 prefer engagement over isolation on issues ranging from Ukraine to Iran to Taiwan.
Thiessen’s assertions went even further, claiming that isolationist views do not align with the broader “America First” movement and that younger conservatives are not inclined to support a pullback from global affairs.
However, the study seems to rest on shaky ground, as it was conducted by the Ronald Reagan Institute and revealed that a majority of self-identified MAGA voters under 30 do agree with an interventionist stance on foreign policy. The polling used both live-cellular and landline phones, along with an oversampling of younger MAGA voters.
It’s worth noting—landlines, in a poll about Gen Z.
This particular methodological choice raises questions about the demographic reach of the survey and whether it accurately represents young conservatives in the post-2024 landscape.
Moreover, the term “MAGA voters” is used without a clear definition, leaving ambiguity about how respondents interpret this identity and whether it encompasses the diverse young voter base that contributed to Republican wins in 2024.
Interestingly, the “MAGA” label appears to resonate more with older generations than with young Americans. Notably, the significant GOP victories in 2024 weren’t solely attributed to MAGA voters; effective messaging attracted a broader coalition of libertarians, independents, and others seeking pragmatic solutions like lower prices and enhanced public safety.
While the study claims to debunk the notion that young conservatives are isolationist, it only gathered responses from 331 MAGA Republicans under 30.
A national GOP consultant, who requested anonymity, expressed skepticism about the sample size, suggesting it’s insufficient for meaningful insights. They remarked, “This poll is an outlier from anything I’ve seen in the last 18 months.”
In contrast, other polls suggest a different trend among this age group regarding foreign policy. A Pew Research survey from April reported that 57% of Republicans aged 18 to 49 view Israel unfavorably, conflicting with the Reagan Institute’s findings that 63% of young MAGA voters feel that Israel’s security is vital to U.S. interests.
As political consultant Ryan Girdusky pointed out, a New York Times poll revealed significant disapproval among younger Republicans for the war in Iran, indicating a desire for a shift in the party’s approach to foreign policy. Girdusky commented that young Republicans are seeking change—something that initially drew them to Trump.
Despite the questionable methodology, Thiessen’s column and the Reagan Institute’s press release conveniently overlooked survey data that didn’t support their narrative about a new wave of interventionist conservatives.
The survey asked participants if they agreed with the idea that the U.S. should withdraw from international affairs and focus more on domestic issues. Seventy-two percent of “MAGA” respondents under 30 agreed, compared to 64% of the broader MAGA voter base.
Younger MAGA respondents were also less inclined than the overall MAGA demographic to see Israel’s security as critical—63% compared to 80%—and similarly less concerned about Iran acquiring a nuclear weapon, with 75% of younger respondents caring about it, versus 89% in the larger group.
In fact, voters under 30 appeared the least concerned about U.S. involvement in NATO and regime change in Iran, while favoring diplomatic solutions instead.
Additionally, only 62% of younger MAGA respondents thought that U.S. involvement in international matters was generally beneficial, markedly lower than the 81% overall support among MAGA voters.
Younger MAGA respondents were also notably less supportive of sending weapons to Israel (60% versus 73% for overall MAGA voters).
When looked at collectively, these figures tell a different story from the one presented by Thiessen and the Reagan Institute. Even within a poll designed around self-identified MAGA voters—using a methodology that raises questions regarding its reach—respondents under 30 consistently demonstrated milder hawkish tendencies compared to their older counterparts.
This doesn’t imply that young conservatives are uniformly isolationist, but it challenges the assertion that they are eagerly embracing a neoconservative foreign policy stance.
It’s clear there’s a spectrum of beliefs among Republicans. However, suggesting that young MAGA voters are simply mirroring the views of previous neoconservatives lacks a solid foundation based on the data.
As Girdusky noted, “This study, like other neocon-led ventures, can insist that all we have to do to win the future is just dig up the body of Ronald Reagan… We’ve maintained a combative policy that has not served younger generations well, and they recognize that.”
Attempts to engage Thiessen for further comment went unanswered.
